Christian Nubia: after the nubian campaign

Wlodzimierz Godlewski

@Pharaoh

Published in 

Egypt

 · 15 Dec 2023

Contents

• New archaeological research
• Records and sources : History
• Architecture
• Painting
• Plastic Arts
• Pottery
• Early Period (6^th - mid 9th century)
• Early Period - phase I (6^th - mid 7th century) - Nobadia
• Makuria
• The United Nubian Kingdom
• Early Period - Phase II
1. Architecture
2. Wall Paintings
• Alodia
• The Classical Period 9^th - 11^th Centuries
1. Historical Introduction
2. Architecture Phase I
3. Painting Phae I
• Classical Period - Phase II
1. Architecture
2. Painting
• The Late Period in Nubian Art - from the middle of 13^th to the end of 14^th Centuries
1. Architecture
2. Church architecture
3. Civil architecture
4. Sepulchral architecture
5. Paintings
• Painting. Mid 14^th Century and Later
• Bibliography

The extent and importance of the archaeological discoveries in Nubian territory in the first half of the 60s and the unusual interest of the mass media in the project led to the creation of a completely new discipline in the sciences: Nubiology. It was very clearly distinguished from Egyptological studies in general, certainly with meaningful aid from the Society for Nubian Studies which was founded in Warsaw in 1972. For Christian Nubian the most spectacular discovery were the wall paintings in the Cathedral at Faras, uncovered by a Polish mission headed by K. Michafowski. The paintings from Faras and records concerning the Pachoras bishopric became in the 60s the most fascinating new material, literally putting Christian Nubia on the map of the Byzantine oikumene. It seemed then that Nubia would become a permanent element of the work carried out in research centers devoted to Byzantine studies and more generally Early Christian studies. This failed to occur, possibly because of the methodological obscurity of publications concerning Christian Nubia. At the same time it has to be said that the discoveries made during the Nubian campaign are a milestone in studies on the Christian period in Nubia.

Excavations in the 60s were regularly published in the form of preliminary reports: from the area of Egypt in Fouilles en Nubie, from Sudan in Kush, and also in many periodicals published by institutions carrying out the research, e.g. JEA, JARCE, BIFAO. Today the absence of final reports of the excavations at major northern Nubian sites: Gebel Adda, Qasr Ibrim, Faras, constitutes a considerable encumbrance.

Scholars directing the research during the Nubian campaign managed to review comprehensively the knowledge about the land and to create important compendia. W. Y. Adams drew an archaeological vista of Christian Nubian civilization in part of his book Nubia. Corridor to Africa, 1977, 431-591. S. Jakobielski took advantage of the available epigraphic and archaeological data to write A History of the Bishopric at Pachoras, 1972. Religious architecture was summed up in W.Y. Adams, Architectural Evolution of the Nubian Church, JARCE 4, 1965, 87-139. The paintings from Faras Cathedral published by K. Michafowski in Faras. Die Kathedrale aus dem Wustensand, 1967, served to create the foundation of future studies on the chronology of Nubian painting. Knowledge of iconography in Nubian painting was developed extensively by P. van Moorsel in his study of the frescoes from the Central Church at Abdallah Nirqi (1975). The role of Nubian painting and its importance for Christian iconography was discussed broadly by K. Weitzmann, Some remarks on the sources of the fresco paintings of the Cathedral in Faras, KuGN, 1970, 325-346. An innovative approach to the study of pottery was presented by W.Y. Adams in his extensive analysis of Nubian pottery of the Christian period: Ceramic Industries in medieval Nubia, 1986. It should be emphasized that some of the studies referred to material from later excavations as well as the data collected in the Nubian campaign. This is especially true of W.Y. Adams work. In studies of Christian Nubia in the 70s and 80s two clear tendencies appeared. One concentrated on developing ideas resulting from the Nubian campaign investigations the other focused on reviewing our knowledge based on an analysis of data from new research. I will devote more attention to the latter tendency later on in this paper.

New archaeological research

The period of intensive excavations carried out in Nubia by national and international expeditions ended in 1964, although this is hardly a formal closing date, since UNESCO­sponsored missions continue working in Nubia, completing the survey of the Batn el Hagar region in cooperation with the Sudan Antiquities Service and excavating selected sites. The international missions slowly withdraw from the area and only a few take up research in Sudan territory south of the Dal cataract. The completion of the Assuan Dam and filling of the Nubian reservoir excluded a vast area of northern Nubia from fieldwork. In Egypt the only accessible site was Qasr Ibrim, in Sudan the rocky plateau of Batn el Hagar and the area south of Dal cataract.

The Archaeological Survey from Gemai to Dal started in 1964/65, following a reconaissance season, and was lead by A.J. Mills and H.A. Nordstrom (Kush 13, Kush 14 and 15). Over 50% of the identified and explored sites belonged to the Christian period and covered cemeteries, settlements and religious architecture. Only summary reports appeared, failing even to cover the full period of the survey, and some of the finds can be viewed todayin the National Museum in Khartum. Seemingly the most interesting discovery were the carved wooden plaques from Attiri with representations of Christ, saint and apocalyptical beings in the form of chenubs.ln the 1964/65 season fieldwork was carried out on the eastern bank of the river in the vicinity of Gasmai-Nag Sigaga (15 km) by a Finnish expedition headed by G. Donner. The most interesting discovery is the blockhouse from the Late Period on the island of Ushinarti.

In the 1970/71 season a Franco-Sudanese mission directed by A. Vila opened work in the region south of Dal cataract. By 1975 the mission had surveyed the area up to the island of Nilwatti south of Say. The survey covered all the archaeological sites in the area, and 50°r6 of the identified sites belonged to the Nobadian and Christian periods. A. Vila went on to excavate several hundred tombs from the Group X and Christian periods at Missiminia near Abri (Vila 1984).

The Batn el Hagar area constituted the focus of research of a number of other expeditions in the second half of the 60s. In 1966-1969 an American-Swiss Mission headed by Ch. Maystre explored Kageras, Ukma and Sonki South, concentrating on religious buildings (Maystre, KGN, 181-208). In 1967-1969 an Italian mission of S. Donadoni uncovered the small church of Sonqi Tino with its excellent Classical period paintings and a complex of tombs around the building (Donadoni, KGN, 209-218). The German expedition of E. Dinkier explored the Sunnarti and Tangur islands on the Nile and Kulb in the years 1967-1969, uncovering a number of churches and buildings of the Late Period (Dinkier, KGN, 259-279). In 1969 W.Y. Adams worked with an expedition from the University of Kentucky at Kulubnarti uncovering the kashefs castle and a church with late paintings (Adams, KGN, 141-154). Between 1954 and 1972 on the island of Sai a French mission headed by J. Vercoutter uncovered many Christian structures even while concentrating on earlier periods. The mission identified 5 churches, discovered many stone architectural elements, inscriptions and pottery.

Notwithstanding, the main sites of the Christian period to continue being explored following the Nubian Campaign were Qasr Ibrim investigated by the British EES mission and Dongola were work was carried out by a Polish mission. Research at Qasr Ibrim made available an extremely rich set of documents and literary texts in Greek, Coptic and Old Nubian, of which only a part has been published so far. The texts are clearly of immense importance for understanding the processes of forming Nobadian statehood as well as the history of the Qasr Ibrim bishopric and the history of Nubian literature. Many of the documents from the Late Period provide a completely new look at the history and economy of Nubia in medieval times. At the same time the research at Qasr Ibrim is of importance for studies of civil architecture, especially of the 6^th century and the Late Period, owing to the wholistic approach to the clearing of the urban complex of the fortress. The results of investigations concerning the Cathedral are also important as are numerous small finds of architectural elements, pottery and the plastic arts which help trace the development of Nubian art.

The research at Dongola is of fundamental importance to understanding the development of religious architecture of Nubia. Dongola's importance as the center of Nubian art became clear with the discovery of such buildings as the Church of Granite Columns, Mausoleum, Church of Stone Pavement, Cruciform Church and Throne Hall of the Nubian kings. Also civil architecture and paintings uncovered in House A and currently in the mausoleum of the abbots of the monastery on Kom H confirm Dongola's importance in the development of Nubian culture. Dongola pottery, particularly a production center discovered on the site, are an important supplement to W.Y. Adams study. Of considerable interest are also the Greek texts, particularly funerary stelae of the 8^th and 9^th century, which permit a revision of knowledge gained so far from Coptic and Greek epigraphic material collected in northern Nubia.

The research carried out at Soba in 1981-1982 by a mission of the British Institute in Eastern Africa in Nairobi are also of fundamental importance as far as understanding the early period in Alodia is concerned, particularly the religious architecture and pottery. The investigations have emphasized the difference of the culture of this southern kingdom and correspond very well with discoveries of tombs and pottery of the Post-Meroitic period.

The civil architecture of the Late Period at Hambukol, especially a palace of the 11^th century, was the object of explorations by a Canadian mission from the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto. A mission from the Sudan Antiquities Department at Gebel Ghaddar uncovered a series of Makurian tombs from the period of the kingdom's Christianization. This evidence is extremely important and corresponds to a degree with the oldest archaeologicallayers uncovered so far at Dongola by the Polish mission.

One should also note two surveys which were conducted in Middle Nubia and which covered the Christian period as well. One was the survey in 1984-1986 by a Canadian mission from the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto which covered an area from Saleb South to Khandaq on both sides of the river. The other survey by the University of Khartum was done in 1990-1991 and registered sites, including Christian ones, in the area between Delgo and Kerma.

Records and sources : History

An important set of documents indispensable in any study of the history of Nubia is G. Vantini's Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia, 1975. This publication of the English translations of mainly Arabic texts gathered in one edition but devoid of a critical commentary is a useful compendium, although intended for the critical student of Nubiology. A sort of aftermath of this study is Vantini's Christianity in Nubia, 1981. The Sudan Texts Bulletin edited by Ali Osman and Robin Thelwall, 1-7, 1979-1985, has turned out to be an important and promising periodical which presents a wide range of Greek, Old Nubian and Arabic texts, all published with care and extensive commentary.

An exceptional achievement is M. Browne's edition of Old Nubian texts known from the publications of F.LLGriffith and E. Zychlarz as well as of newly uncovered texts from Qasr Ibrim, Serra East and Dongola. The study covers literary texts as well as documents. A full publication of the Qasr Ibrim archives will be of considerable importance for further studies of the history of Nubia. One should remember that it is the research on the history of medieval Nubia which has so far been neglected and requires monographic studies which would take better advantage of all the new sources being discovered in Nubia. An important stage of these studies would be a critical edition of a repertory of Greek and Coptic texts.

Architecture

Research on the religious architecture of Nubia was summed up after the Nubian Campaign in W.Y. Adams' study which systematized in simplified form church designs and attempted to establish the chronology of changes in the religious architecture of Nubia. An important part of the studies is an analysis of the changes in the liturgical equipment used in churches. The discovery of churches in Dongola prompted P. Gartkiewicz to broader studies in an effort to trace the double-track development of Nubian architecture and to emphasize the religious complexes built on a central plan. Gartkiewicz presented in effect an analysis of the development of Nubian church architecture including both the basilican and central-plan structures. He also pointed out the building's which had been of major importance for the development of Nubian architecture and the conservative trends, based mainly on structures in small settlements. The study demonstrated the intricateness of developmental processes in Nubian architecture and their dynamics; it is however chronologically imprecise and lacks a detailed analysis of particular structures.

P. Grossmann, who is concentrating on an extensive monograph study of Egyptian religious architecture, has included Nubia in his research, a little because of the old Egyptological tradition in this respect with strong emphasis being laid on Egyptian influences in Nubian architecture. While one can be sceptic of Nubia being treated as an Egyptian province, one cannot but admire the critical depth of the analyses of particular complexes based on a complete set of sources including iconographic ones. The technological analysis of Nubian architecture based on civil and religious structures is extremely important. However, the chronology of particular structures raises serious doubts being as it is subjected to processes in architecture occurring in Egypt. It should be noted that Nubian architecture developed under the strong influence of the royal court and central authority, both civil and religious. The relations between Nubian and Egyptian architecture are in many cases self­evident, but there can be no doubt that Nubian architecture was shaped by the cultural policies of the royal Nubian court which often had ambitions to follow Byzantine customs and which was far more dependent upon local centers of culture, such as Dongola, Faras, Qasr Ibrim and Gebel Adda, than directly upon Egypt. This is mainly the effect of a separate statehood and Nubia's direct contacts with Palestine and Byzantium. Present knowledge of Nubian religious architecture requires a historical analysis of its development and chronological precision not only of the building of various structures but also of the successive stages in the development of particular buildings. The development of Nubian architecture today can be evaluated from the perspective of structures in the main centers of the land, such as Dongola, Faras and Qasr Ibrim as well as Soba. Unfortunately, the dating of the structures leaves much to be desired. A historical analysis encompassing the form as well as furnishings and technique seems to be methodologically the best way to understanding Nubian architecture and determining its position in the broader territorial context including not only an Egyptian and Palestinian perspective but also the aspirations of the royal court in Nubia.

Painting

Studies of Nubian painting have been proceeding under the strong influence of research carried out on the frescoes from Faras Cathedral. The artistic quality of the frescoes and their relatively precise chronology in conjunction with the belief that Faras was a center of Nubian culture long favored this approach. The first chronology of the paintings, presented by K. Michabwski while excavations were still in progress, has been revised over the years by Michafowski himself as well as by M. Martens-Czarnecka. Detailed studies of the drawing and of ornamental designs has helped make the chronology more precise, but the analyses were from the beginning hampered by certain faults resulting from a somewhat imprecise publication of the stages in the development of the Faras cathedral and an excessively historical approach to the phenomena taking place in Faras. Phenomena like the changes in the form of the apse in the Cathedral, the problem of the fire in the building or the alleged abandonment of the cathedral in the late 12^th century have been discussed in detail by W. Godlewski in a number of articles. A monograph of the cathedral is clearly the most urgent need at present.

There were also other restrictions which hampered the development of studies on Nubian painting. The most important one was the belief that there were no paintings in early churches; consequently, the history of Nubian painting was frequently begun with the appearance of frescoes in the Faras cathedral in the 8^th century. Today, it is clear that murals occurred in churches from the 6^th century onward; such early complexes are known from Abu Oda, Naga el Oqba, Wadi es Sebua and Abdallah Nirqi.A separate problem in studies on Nubian painting is their iconographic analysis and the correct understanding of their liturgical meaning. Scholars have undertaken studies of individual subjects such as the decoration of apses, theophanic crosses, representations of Christ and Mother of God, saints and anchorites. It should be emphasized, however, that studies on the iconography of Nubian painting remain in the shadow of other research and iconographic subjects have not entered the repertory of Byzantine and Early Christian art. It seemed that two important features of Nubian painting, i.e., the existence of paintings from the Iconoclastic period and the originality of some of the iconographic motifs, would allow the art to be quickly included in Byzantine studies, but this failed to occur, possibly because of the scholarly weakness of publications of the best paintings from Nubian churches. Of some importance was also the fact that new discoveries did not follow the spectacular finds from Faras and Sonqi Tino until 1976 and 1992-1994 when painted compositions came to light at Dongola.

Plastic arts

In studies on Nubian art the plastic arts have not yet found their proper representation. The finds - crosses, metal and wooden pectoral representations, terracotta figurines and ceramic "icons" - are usually noted in excavation reports but fail to be the object of separate studies. The crosses from Faras are an exception in this respect. The wooden reliefs from Attiri, now in the museum in Khartoum, are awaiting publication as well as similar objects from Qasr Ibrim. Even the dating of these objects which were undoubtedly pectoral icons is unclear. They were presumably made in the 11^th-12^th century in Nubian workshops, rather in Nobadia.

A very interesting set of terracotta figurines, mostly in fragments, comes from the Makurian monasteries of Ghazali and Dongola; they are to be dated to the Late Period (11^th­-12^th century). Some pieces of ceramic icons with relief representations of saints on one side and painted decoration on the other have been found in the monastery on Kom H in Dongola in the past season. It would seem that the minor devotional art as well as window grills with figural representations, found at Dongola, are a specific feature of Late Period art.

Pottery

Pottery is commonly found in greatest abundance. The sites at Soba and Dongola have recently provided interesting new material, in both cases the early pottery from the 6^th-7^th century being the most interesting. Both sites have also yielded evidence of local workshops producing this pottery. Also new pottery evidence from Qasr [brim has been noted in preliminary reports but it is only of a supplementary nature in respect to W.Y. Adams fundamental study on the subject.

*****

New excavations and especially the discoveries at Dongola, Soba and Qasr Ibrim have provided scholars with an opportunity to review the current evaluation of Nubian culture and have created new scientific perspectives for scholars of the art and civilization of Nubia. Of equal significance for this process of re-evaluation were the revisions of some of K. Michabwski's conclusions in respect to Faras, especially the Faras cathedral, and the significant progress in the study of Coptic architecture and painting in Egypt. The understanding of developments in Nubian art, dominated after the Nubian Campaign by evidence from Nobadia - the territory of northern Nubia, has also changed. New discoveries at Dongola and Soba have abolished the Nobadia-centric view of Nubian art in favor of more differentiated references. The process is much more obvious in studies of Nubian architecture, especially religious architecture, less evident in painting. Once again the importance of discoveries at Dongola and Soba cannot be understated; they are particularly well discernible in the architecture but also allow for laying down hypotheses in respect to wall painting. The religious architecture discovered at Soba and Dongola has shown how different the process of development was in northern Nubia, presumably because of different outside influences as well as a certain differentiation of local tradition which accompanied the formation of the separate states of Alodia, Makuria and Nobadia, and which occurred in consequence of the breaking the Pan-Meroitic tradition in Nubia as a whole. This differentiation in religious architecture is particularly well visible in the Early Period from the 6^th to the 8^th century when the three kingdoms existed separately; following their union there is an obvious unification of the monumental architecture in the main centers of the United Kingdom, such as Dongola, Pachoras and Qasr Ibrim, as well as a certain similarity of designs in Dongola and Soba. A comprehensive evaluation of this phenomenon is still difficult to formulate owing to the still modest evidence from Makuria and particularly Alodia, where we are limited to the finds in Soba and where the discovered religious architecture is only from the early period and badly preserved at that. In respect to religious architecture, this differentiation of forms appears to be the result of different ways of christianizing the area and so different sources of inspiration. In Nobadia in the 6^th-7^th centuries the influences from the Thebaid and the relations with Coptic Egypt seem to dominate. In Dongola the early architecture is clearly inspired by Byzantine models, although at the present stage of research it is difficult to be certain whether the models drew directly from Constantinople or, what is more probable, from Byzantine provinces. This statement is of particular importance for the methodology of further studies for it requires the early period architecture to be analyzed separately in the three kingdoms and dictates the need to take into consideration political and organizational changes taking place in Nubia, particularly the unification of Makuria and Nobadia in the middle of the 7^th century and the spreading of Dongolan influence to northern Nubia as best represented by the building of the Cathedral of Paulos in Pachoras in 707.

Early Period (6^th - mid 9^th century)

The Early Period is obviously to be divided into two phases, before the unification of Makuria and Nobadia and after it. For Alodia there is at present no way of determining the phases of the Early Period and the break-off point in the middle of the 7^th century has no significance. All that is possible is the suggestion that in the 7^th-8^th centuries Dongola could have had a meaningful influence on Alodia as well as Nobadia and consequently the centrally designed church at Soba could be analyzed in the context of similar buildings discovered at Dongola, such as the Church of Granite Columns. Dongola's influence may have been facilitated by the unification of the Christian rite in the three kingdoms after the unification of Makuria and Nobadia, presumably during the region of king Merkurios.

Early Period - phase I (6^th - mid 7^th century) - Nobadia

The 5^th and 6^th century saw the establishment of a homogeneous culture closely connected with southern Egypt throughout the territory of Nobadia covering the valley of the Nile south of the first cataract and extending to the vicinity of the third cataract. This culture featured a homogeneous pottery, burial customs and a dynamically developing civil and military architecture (fortifications). Building was based on stone - limestone and granite - and mudbrick and baked brick. The stone workshops demonstrated high proficiency. Faras and Qasr Ibrim were the main centers in this period, but there were many settlements which appear to have been vigorously developing small towns. The acme of Nobadia's development appears to fall at the turn of the 5th century and in the 6^th. The Christianization of Nobadia in the 40s of the 6^th century brought a further deepening of contacts with the Mediterranean area and resulted in a dynamic development of religious architecture as well as important changes in Nobadian civilization apparent in burial customs (disappearance of furnishing, changed orientation, i.e. E-W with head to west, and new types of tomb monuments). The stone workshops demonstrate continuity; the quality of the products remains unchanged while the decorations and symbols are now Christian.

Religious architecture becomes the most characteristic feature of Nobadian art, having no local models. Contrary to K. Michabwski's suggestions, there was no religious architecture in Nobadia before the state's Christianization. The first churches in Nobadia were presumably erected in the centers of Faras and Qasr [brim, but evidence of this is rather limited. At the turn of the 6^th century Faras and its vicinity saw the construction of a number of churches of homogeneous exterior form and almost identical interior design. These churches include the Southern and Northern Churches at Faras, perhaps also the Mud Church there, the River Church at Adindan, churches in Serre East and Serre Garb. All these churches have the bottom parts of the walls constructed of broken stone with brick being used for the upper parts. They follow a basilican plan of elongated dimensions with a broader nave separated from the presbytery by a triumphal arch. The apse with the altar is connected with the side rooms. The western end which is usually tripartite houses the staircase leading to the gallery. The vaults of the nave are supported on massive pillars. Two entrances lead to the church from the north and south and are both located in the western end. Beside these churches and contemporaneously with them, typical columned basilicas were erected: the first cathedral at Faras, the church at Qasr el Wizz and presumably also the Old Church at Qasr Ibrim. Both the foundations at Pachoras had narthexes leading into the church proper with a nave wider than the aisles. The apse with altar was separated from the rest of the church by a triumphal arch. The sacristies were accessible from the side aisles. The entrance to the basilica was on the main axis in the western wall and in the southern and northern walls of the narthex. The First Cathedral at Faras was constructed of dressed blocks of sandstone just as the church at Qasr Ibrim. Basilican churches were undoubtedly the dominant form in Nobadia in the Early Period. Nevertheless, at least two churches, the Rivergate Church at Faras and the church at Naga el Oqba, had central domes supported on four pillars constructed of excellently fitted blocks of stone. The eastern and western ends of the two churches had tripartite divisions typical of the period. Both churches are not dated very well unfortunately.

Also the churches introduced into the Pharaonic temples at Qasr Ibrim, Abu Oda and Wadi es Sebua are not very well dated. Without going into details, we can safely place their construction at the turn of the 6^th century. Only the church at Aksha may be a little later. The interiors of these churches differ among themselves, logically resulting from the limitations which the adaptation of Pharaonic temples or their parts imposed.

Architectural elements, which come mainly from Faras and Qasr Ibrim and include columns, capitals, lintels and door jambs as well as friezes, were made in sandstone and demonstrate the skill of the stonecutters. In decoration they indicate a combination of local traditions with new Christian symbols. The architectural decoration demonstrates many similarities in form, composition and style with the architectural decoration made in the Thebaid, especially in the workshops at Luxor, Esna and Philae.

Makuria

The beginnings of the Makurian state are still insufficiently recorded with our database limited to just a few sites such as Tangasi, Gebel Gaddar and Tabo. The evidence from Dongola which is undoubtedly the fullest is relatively late and comes from the period of the Christianization of the kingdom, the turn of the 5^th century at best. The pottery of Dongola from this period shows aesthetic and technical valors, while at the same time being decidedly different in form and style from contemporaneous Nobadian production. This clearly points to a successful local production. Present evidence rather fails to confirm the presence of trade contacts between Nobadia and Makuria at the turn of the 5^th century. Pottery from Dongola is rare in the north. New excavations in the area of the 3^rd cataract where the probable border between the kingdoms ran should introduce changes into the present recorcl. The early churches of the kingdom, which was also Christianized in the mid 6^th century, but at the hands of Byzantine missionaries in all likelihood, are known from the capital, Dongola, alone. In the middle of the 6^th century the city was already a large, strongly fortified settlement with compact architecture inside the city walls. For this reason the first religious buildings, Building X and the Old Church, were built north of the town. The three buildings in Dongola which can be connected with the second half of the 6^th and early 7^th century are differentiated enough to deserve a separate discussion, particularly since each one of them is important for the later development of religious architecture in Dongola.

The Old Church was built of mudbrick on a three-aisled basilican plan; massive pillars separated the nave, twice as wide as the aisles, from the aisles. The eastern part of the building was enlarged and on the south, on either side of the entrance there was an annex housing a staircase on one side and a kind of commemorative chapel on the other. The apse of the church had a synthronon and the altar was situated in the eastern end of the nave and was set apart by a balustrade. The southeastern room served as a baptistery with a deep round baptismal font with two sets of steps from the east and west. The nave was presumably higher than the aisles and the basilica was equipped with galleries.

Building X was built of red brick as a complex erected to commemorate two persons buried in the crypts under the apse. It was a compact rectangular structure with a unique interior plan. A cruciform center was inscribed in the rectangle with an apse at the end of the eastern arm. The eastern part of the building had developed pastophoria consisting of double rooms on either side of the apse connected by a passage behind the apse. In the western end of the structure there was a centrally located vestibule and two large comer rooms with a staircase housed in the northern one of the two. The cruciform interior was separated from the western end by an inner narthex and surrounded by four rooms located in the spaces between the arms of the cross; two long corridors ran the length of the sides of the complex. The height of this well-designed and constructed building is difficult to estimate on the basis of preserved remains, but most probably the central part on the plan of a cross was much higher than the rest of the complex and presumably some galleries must have existed as well.

The Church of the Stone Pavement was built on the site of Building X, taking advantage of the exterior walls and the eastern and western ends. The central part was levelled and the new church built on the plan of a five-aisled basilica with the nave twice as wide as the side aisles. The aisles were divided by rows of columns of well-dressed red granite. The apse was filled with a synthronon and opened through a triumphal arch onto the presbytery in the eastern end of the nave set off with a stone balustrade. On either side of the apse there were developed pastophoria connected by a passage in back of the apse. The southern room served as a baptistery with a deep round baptismal font with a set of steps on the east and another one on the west. The main entrance to the basilica was located on the long axis of the church in the western wall and led to a vestibule located between corner rooms connected by an inner narthex. The Church of the Stone Pavement may have served as an episcopal basilica. Considering the crypts of Building X which were incorporated into the new complex and the new arrangement of the cult of the persons buried in them, it is quite possible that this basilica was indeed the cathedral of Dongola.

An interesting religious complex is the three-aisled basilica discovered in 1992 on kom E near the El Ghaddar village in Dongola. The west entrance to this structure is preceded by a portico. The interior has a typically Nubian plan with a narthex in the west and a tripartite bema in the east. The apse with the synthronon had a room on either side, connected separately by a passage in back of the apse. The southeastern room had a deep baptismal pool with two sets of steps. The presbytery was set off by a stone balustrade in the eastern end of the nave and was preceded on the west by a lectern. The stone pavement of the church was covered with a mosaic of colored pebbles - a unique feature in Nubian church architecture.

The architectural decoration of Dongolan churches is limited to columns and capitals of granite. Sporadically one encounters cancella slabs decorated with reliefs (Church E in Dongola) or fragments of thrones. The capitals belonging to the Church of the Stone Pavement and Church E were carved in an abacus with knobs supported on four comer leaves and Maltese crosses inscribed in a circle in between. It would appear that architectural decoration played a definitely lesser role in Dongolan structures than in Nobadian architecture.

The United Nubian Kingdom

Political changes following the Arab invasion of the Byzantine empire and the express occupation of the African provinces along with Egypt in the end of the first half of the 7^th century were also of significance for Nubia. The Arab expedition against Nobadia in 645 and the following expedition of Abdullah abu Sarh against Dongola in 652 were instrumental in leading to the unification of the kingdoms of Makuria and Nobadia into one state organism. The kings of Makuria seem to have played the dominant role in this process; it was the kings of Makuria who managed to bring about the union, defend Dongola against the Arabs and negotiate a baqt treaty with them. The treaty which Qalidurut signed with Abdullah abu Sarh became the basis of Nubia's relations with the Arab world until the mid 13^th century. Nubia in phase II of the early period (mid 8^th-eariy 9^th century) experienced quick development. The state was consolidated with the capital at Dongola and a separate eparchy of Nobadia. The rite of the Nubian church was unified and all of Nubia subjected to the Coptic patriarch in Alexandria presumably at the turn of the 7^th century in the reign of king Merkurios. In military terms, the kingdom was sufficiently powerful to permit king Kyriakos a successful intervention in Egypt in defense of the patriarch in the middle of the 8^th century. Dongola's dominant position is evidenced in the architecture of Nubia and was presumably equally important in the development of wall painting known almost exclusively from Nobadia.

Early Period - phase II

1) Architecture

The siege of Dongola resulted in the destruction of the two churches which lay outside the city walls. The Arab raids may have resulted in destruction in other settlements in Nubia, but there is no hard evidence. The Church of the Stone Pavement was rebuilt as a domed basilica with the dome supported on massive pillars. It therefore borrowed from Byzantine architecture of the post-Justinian period. Other changes in the interior and the furnishing included a smaller cruciform baptismal font built into the earlier pool and a new floor in the presbytery taking on the form of colored pebble mosaic. On the spot of the Old Church a completely new structure was erected - the Church of Granite Columns. It was a significant achievement of the local masons for an analysis of the plan compels us to consider it as a totally local design and realization. The cruciform interior inscribed into a compact basilical outline recalls such structures as the Mausoleum and the Church of the Stone Pavement, while the annexes are very similar to compartments preserved in the southern part of the Old Church, thus combining elements known from various other Dongolan structures. Inside the church to the west there was a narthex accessible only from the south; the center was occupied by the intersecting naves ending in apse at three of the ends, with the eastern one being the largest. The side aisles were divided by columns of grey granite. In the east end there were pastophoria connected by a corridor behind the apse. In the southern part of the structure there was a staircase and a side chapel with a cruciform baptismal font. On the northern side there were analogous rooms and the eastern one formed part of the prothesis. The eastern apse was filled by a synthronon, and the eastern part of the nave was set off by an altar screen. The corpus was probably developed not only by setoffs in the side walls articulating the transversal nave on the outside, but also by an appropriate articulation of cruciform design in the structure of the roof.

The Cathedral of Paulos in Faras, founded in 707, was probably influenced by trends coming from the capital at Dongola. The earlier three-aisled basilica was developed according to a model set by the Church of Granite Columns in Dongola. Some limitations issuing from the necessity to retain some parts of the earlier structure enforced a reduction of the metropolitan model and resulted in a lesser elegance of the final structure. The Paulos Cathedral also had a narthex preceding the church on the west with two entrances from the west and south. The corpus had a cruciform design, but only the eastern arm of the cross ended in an apse. In the eastern end of the building the pastophoria did not have the connecting passage behind the apse, the renovation here being limited to an enlarging of the apse alone. The side annexes were almost identical with the rooms in Dongola. The synthronon filled the apse and the altar was located in the eastern end of the nave and was screened off from the rest of the building by an altar screen. The southeastern room served as a baptistery and chapel. The prothesis was located in the northeastern room of the church.

Another important building erected after the kingdom's unification was the basilica at Qasr Ibrim which served as the cathedral there. It was built on the ruins of the Old Church and was an enormous structure with five aisles and an inner narthex. Its nave which was wider than the rest of the aisles was set apart by rows of granite columns while the side aisles were separated by pillars. The tripartite bema contained an apse with a stone synthronon and side rooms connected by a wide corridor east of the apse. The passage was justified to a degree by the presence of subterranean crypts. The Dongolan Church of the Stone Pavement constitutes the closest analogy to this building. Also the western end of the basilica at Qasr Ibrim was designed in a similar fashion as at Dongola, only the staircase leading to the gallery being located elsewhere, i.e., in the southwestern corner room.

In the 8^th century changes in the liturgical equipment were probably introduced into many village churches under Makurian influence. The most important change was the introduction of a synthronon into the apse and the moving of the altar more to the west, usually into the eastern end of the nave. The presbytery was in such cases screened off from the rest of the church. In the newly erected churches of Nobadia also the passage behind the apse was introduced wherever possible. An excellent example of the changes is the eastern end of the church at Naga Abdallah. It can be said that the basilical type of church became common in all of northern Nubia at this precise time. It was usually a small rectangular building with a tripartite western end and a tripartite bema with connecting passage behind the apse between the pastophoria. The body of the church was usually three-aisled with the slightly wider nave being separated from the aisles by massive pillars, usually two on each side. The nave was also higher than the aisles and the church usually had a gallery accessible via a staircase. An excellent example of this type of building id the Southern Church at Ihmindi, probably erected in the 9^th century.

The architectural decoration is, in comparison with the earlier phase, much less frequently applied inside churches. The rule were granite columns, sometimes decorated with crosses on the upper parts of their shafts, used as supports in such complexes as the Church of the Granite Columns in Dongola, the Paulos Cathedral in Faras and the basilica at Qasr Ibrim. The surface of the greatly reduced capitals was carved with a shallow relief decoration of a very simple design. The volutes are in the form of narrow bands and just barely marked; between them there is a decorative element in the shape of a cross or a palmette, sometimes a monogram. The neck of the capitals is most often plain, although sometimes it is decorated with small leaves or simply a torus. It would appear that granite capitals were popular in Nobadia as a result of Makurian influence. In northern Nubia sandstone continued to be used, mostly as part of the entrance, with the lintels decorated with a sole flat cube in the center, inscribed with a cross in a wreath.

Not much can be said of civil architecture. Houses only rarely entered the scope of fieldwork and are rarely well dated when they did. Two interesting houses - House A and House PCH1 - were excavated in the northern -part of Dongola; both were built of mudbrick and had an upper floor. In both cases the entrances led to vestibules connected with a staircase. The groundfloor contained a number of rooms accessible from the vestibule or a transversal hall. In House A a bathroom was identified with two bathing pools, water installations and a furnace for heating water. Other public buildings were uncovered at Arminna West and in Faras where two palaces were discovered to the north of the cathedral and identified as eariy structures.

2) Wall paintings

The interiors of Nubian churches of the Early Period, especially in northern Nubia, were often decorated with architectural friezes and niche finials, but there is no doubt that wall paintings were an element of church decoration right from the beginning. The oldest fragments of paintings are found inside baptismal pools in the Old Church and the Church of the Stone Pavement in Dongola; the waterproof plaster in these pools was done in imitation of marble revetment. But the oldest wall paintings have been preserved inside the churches of Nobadia and are dated to the 7^th and 8^th century. Interestingly, the religious wall paintings appeared outside churches, inside rockcut hermitages (The Grotto of the Anchorite at Faras), public buildings (South Palace at Faras) and even houses (House A in Dongola). The best preserved and most famous set of wall paintings of the Early Period comes from the Paulos Cathedral in Faras shortly after its establishment in 707. Until recently these paintings were considered the oldest from Nubia. Today, however, there is a number of paintings which can be dated to the 7^th century, such as the murals from Abu Oda, part of the compositions from Wadi es Sebua, compositions from the synthronon of the First Cathedral at Faras, the Central Church at Abdallah Nirqi and possibly the compositions from the small church at Naga el Oqba.Painting dated to the 8^th and early 9^th century have been preserved in the Paulos Cathedral in Faras, but also in Wadi es Sebua, Serre Garb and House A in Dongola. On the grounds of the preserved remains, Faras may be distinguished as the most important center of wall painting in Nubia of the Early Period. However, a certain distinctness of the paintings from Dongola enjoins caution and indicates that Dongola may have been a center of equal, if not greater importance.

The style of Nubian paintings of the Early Period is fairly homogeneous. Drawing dominates the brushwork in bringing out the outlines of a picture. The figures are mostly shown frontally, statically, heavily proportioned, their massiveness accentuated by large feet. Robes are outlined schematically and are usually monochromatic. The expressiveness of the faces is in the setting of the wide open eyes which contrast with the simple outline of the nose and mouth. It would seem that the earlier paintings, dated to the 7^th century, from Abu Oda and Wadi es Sebua, show movement with less constraint (martyr saint from the ceiling of the Abu Oda church) and the draping of the robes is also more free (St. Peter the Apostle from the west niche in the Wadi es Sebua church). Faces are also more three-dimensional through the stronger marking of shadows on the cheeks, as in the representation of St. Peter at Wadi es Sebua.Paintings are placed over 2 meters above the floor in monumental buildings, the exception being the apse and entrance to a church. The compositions give the impression of hanging icons, there not being any background and no line to indicate the level on which the figure is supposedly standing. Narrative scenes occur sporadically, but the subjects do not depart from the repertoire of icon painting: Ascension of Christ, Nativity, Three Hebrews in a Fiery Furnace, Christ appearing to St. Thomas. It would seem that icon painting played an important role in shaping both the style and choice of subject matter in early Nubian paintings. The general opinion is that early Nubian painting is stylistically very close to the Coptic paintings of Bawit and Sakkara. A closer look, however, at the faces of the saints and the compositions as a whole reveal that while this opinion is generally true, there are certain differences in the style and, most importantly, Nubian painting is more schematic. The complete lack of frescoes on the lower parts of walls in Nubian churches, so common in Coptic monasteries, suggests that the style was brought to Nubia in the late 6^th or early 7^th century and was quickly taken up by local workshops which already in the early 7^th century were fully capable of executing the commissions of the local Nubian clergy and private founders.

It is much more difficult to establish the iconographic sources which Nubian painting drew upon. Stressing that stylistic models do not always go together with iconographic ones, K. Weitzmann indicated Palestine as a possible source of iconographic inspiration for the frescoes from Faras. The problem remains as to whether iconographic models came directly from Palestine or through Coptic Egypt or maybe also through Makuria (Dongola). The interiors of apses in the early churches in Nobadia are decorated architecturally on the most part: friezes, niches and pilasters (First Cathedral at Faras). How the conches of the niches were decorated remains an open question, since there is no evidence. Alreadt in the 7^th century two-register compositions, which are common in Coptic churches and orattories, appear in Nubian apses. The Virgin and Child is shown standing or sitting on a throne in the company of the apostles on the lower parts of the apse's wall, e.g. Wadi es Sebua, Central Church at Abdallah Nirqi and Naga el Oqba. In the latter church the Virgin was adored by angels; the fragmentarily preserved painting appears to be the earliest in Nubia (first half of the 7^th century) and possibly the closest to Coptic apse paintings. Representations of Christ in Glory and the four apocalyptical beings appear in the conches of Nubian apses as confirmed by a fragmentary painting in the conch of a 7^th century church at Serre Garb depicting a cherubim with a human head. In later periods this type of apse decoration will be the sole iconographic subject used in Nubia. The composition in the apse of the Paulos Cathedral at Faras is an interesting example of local embellishment. A lower frieze was added showing a row of birds with spread wings below a series of arcades; the frieze was a reminiscence of the sculptured decoration found in the apse of the earlier basilica. Representations of Christ are few, but two are of special interest. Christ painted on the rock ceiling of the church in Abu Oda, holding a codex in his left hand and holding his right hand up in blessing, is similar to a representation of Christ on a damaged icon from the monastery of St. Catherine in the Sinai (B 12) which K. Weitzmann dates to the 6^th-7^th century and associates with Palestine. The other representation of Christ to garner special attention is the Christ Victor shown in House A in Dongola. Christ is depicted trampling a lion, dragon, basilisk and serpent with his bare feet; the legend describes him as the Sun of Justice, the accompanying inscription is a fragment of Psalm 90.3. This representation has a close analogy on ivory plaques used as part of the binding of codices. It is noteworthy that the representation of Christ on a plaque from Lorsch, now in the Vatican, which is so similar to the painting from Dongola, was probably inspired by the art of Constantinople. The Virgin Hodegetria preserved among Faras paintings from the Cathedral of Paulos is depicted standing, the Child on her left arm and her right hand held to her breast in the open-palm gesture of a supplicant. The Palestinian archetype of such a representation should be noted here.Archangels are frequent in early Nubian painting, appearing frequently at the main entrances as guardians of the interior (e.g. church in Abu Oda and the Paulos Cathedral at Faras) and sometimes as guardians of the stairwell containing the steps up to the church gallery, as in Faras. The apostles hold an important place among the saints, especially St. Peter and St. John. At Wadi es Sebua and Faras, St. Peter is shown with a large key and the legend (in the Paulos Cathedral) describing him as "St. Peter, leader of the apostles and holder of the key to the Heavenly Kingdom". These Nubian representations of the apostle clearly refer to apse compositions from both Nubia and Egypt and though there are some differences in the details a Coptic model seems highly probable. In eariy paintings the holy warriors: St. Theodore Stratelatos, St. George and St. Mercurios, are shown standing, dressed in military garb (Faras) or court dress (Wadi es Sebua and Dongola). Egyptian anchorites, monks and martyrs are strikingly unpopular. In the Cathedral of Paulos only one such picture, i.e., of Ammone, an anchorite from Tuna el Gebel, has survived. Paintings depicting St. Ignatios of Antioch and St. Cyprian present in the Paulos Cathedral at Faras as well as the extended composition of the Nativity in the church point to Palestinian influences in Nubian iconography. To sum up, Egyptian and Palestinian models, and even models directly from Constantinople with which Makuria had much closer ties than Nobadia, are present in Early Christian art from Nubia. The southern kingdom continued to have a dominating influence upon Nubian art after the kingdom's unification in the second half of the 7^th century. The Nubian artistic community formed fairly early and gave religious architecture and wall painting a distinctly local flavor.

Alodia

The southern Christian Nubian kingdom was established upon the ruins of Meroe presumably in the 5th century. Recent discoveries of tumuli situated south of the Atbara and Nile junction and dated to the Post-Meroitic period have brought extremely important evidence for understanding the early stages of the existence of Alodia and defining its distinctness in terms of pottery and burial customs. Alodia was Christianized by Bishop Longinus of Nobadia around 580 and found itself within the jurisdiction of the Coptic patriarch of Alexandria. We know nothing of Coptic Egypt's role in shaping the Alodian kingdom in the 6^th and 7^th centuries and research on the Christian period of Alodia is only beginning. The only evidence is from the capital of the kingdom, Soba, and is further limited by the deplorable state the ruins are in and imprecise stratigraphy. Thanks to the careful research of the British mission and speedy publication, it is possible to characterize the early religious architecture of Alodia, most probably from the second phase. The two monumental complexes A and B from Soba have turned out to be extremely interesting.

Building A measuring 30 x 25 m was clearly a developed three-aisled basilica preceded on the west by a narthex and having a tripartite bema in the east with a small apse in the central part, articulated in the structure's eastern facade. The narthex led to two long corridors on either side of the aisles; these may have been open corridors according to the excavators. Behind the apse there was a large tomb with two elongated rectangular rooms constituting a homogeneous structure with the eastern part of the basilica. The nave of the church was much wider than the aisles and corridors. There was an altar in the apse instead of the synthronon. Church A at Soba remained long in use and was rebuilt at one time.

Church B located to the south of Church A was a slightly smaller establishment measuring 24 x 22.5 m. It was a harmonious structure on a cruciform plan emphasized by four supports and corresponding pilasters. The entrance portico in the west led to an inner narthex. On the east the apse with altar was located between four pastophoria. On either side of the corpus there were long corridors. The plan is a classical cruciform design inscribed into a rectangle with the basilical character emphasized by a monumental western entrance on the main axis of the building.

The latest church built onto Church B from the south was Church C which was also the smallest of the three. It was a three-aisled basilica with a narthex and a tripartite bema wider than the corpus of the building.Although following different plans, the three structures constitute a homogeneous complex. They are undoubtedly early churches, erected sometime in the 8^th century. On the face of the matter, they seem to have much in common with Dongolan churches and could be considered as modelled on these examples. However, the absence of a synthronon in the apse and the characteristically small apses closing off square sanctuaries rather exclude any direct relations of Soban architecture with that of Dongola. Neither are there any direct analogies with Nobadia. Consequently, we are forced to look for inspiration in the post-Justinian Byzantine architectural tradition, although a more complicated genesis of the Soban churches is not to be excluded. It is highly probable that we are dealing with a combination of a local tradition developed under Coptic and Aksum influence (the absence of a synthronon is an important indication here) and inspiration coming from the united Nubian kingdom; (the Church of the Granite Columns in Dongola would appear to be an excellent reference in this case). A degree of confirmation for this hypothesis is to be seen in the granite architectural elements uncovered at Soba by P. Shinnie. The fragments are very Dongotan in character and can be dated to the turn of the 7^th century. Although at present too little is known of Alodian religious architecture to characterize it more closely, one thing is clear: this architecture developed independently of both Makuria and Nobadia.

The extensive building D refers to a local tradition which originates from Meroitic times. It was presumably a vast residence with an upper floor intended as residential quarters and a ground floor serving storage purposes. lt would hardly be surprising if the complex of three churches and a residence turned out to be an episcopal complex, a kind of episkopeion such as those known from Dongola, Faras and Qasr Ibrim.

The Classical Period, 9^th - 11^th centuries

1) Historical Introduction

The classical period in Nubian art should presumably be connected with the rule of a dynasty established by King loannes in the early twenties of the 9^th century. It is not certain whether the actual founder of the one and only royal dynasty in Christian Nubia in which the son inherited directly from the father was loannes or his son Zacharias who not only took over from his father, contrary to Nubian custom which preferred to give the succession to the son of the sister of the dying king, but also in a highly capable way made his son Georgios his successor. Nubian community was unfavorably disposed to this custom which was foreign to Nubian tradition and gave vent to its displeasure on several occasions, both inside the country and abroad, a fact of particular importance during the visit Georgios I paid in Baghdad. Nevertheless, the dynasty implemented with obvious determination the Byzantine understanding of the role of the ruler in the political and cultural life of the country. This led in effect to new architectural projects emphasizing the king's power, such as the Throne Hall and the Cruciform Church in Dongola, while in the visual arts it bore fruit in the form of the exceptionally colorful and ornamental Nubian style best represented in the mural decoration of the Cathedral of Petros in Pachoras and the church in Sonqi Tino. The following kings, confirmed either in documents or historical records, belong to the dynasty:

• IOANNES
• ZACHARIAS I
• GEORGIOS I
• ZACHARIAS II
• GEORGIOS II
• RAPHAEL
• Raphael's son

The close of the dynasty falls about the middle of the 11^th century. It would seem that king Solomon reactivated the custom of the throne being inherited by the son of the sister of the dying king.A matter of unquestioned importance for the development of Nubian culture in this period were the new relations with the Islamic world which resulted in long years of peace for Nubia and a mutual openness in political, social and cultural relations. Nubia became widely known in the Moslem world at this time, on one hand thanks to the visit in Baghdad in 835 of Georgios I, then heir to the throne, a visit which was extensively reported by a number of historians, and on the other hand thanks to a lengthy description of Nubia written by Ibn Salim al Aswani following his journey to Nubia in 970 in the capacity of an official representative of Gawhar a! Sigeli, the conqueror of Egypt for the Fatimids. To return to Georgios's trip to Baghdad, it would seem that it had a tremendous impact upon Nubian art, providing the heir and his entourage with the opportunity to visit not only the caliph's capital but also the countries on the way, Egypt and Palestine, from where many new architectural models were brought back as well as a number of new iconographic subjects to be used in wall painting. The Classical Period in Nubian art is apparently to be subdivided into two phases which are more visible in painting than in architecture:

• I. mid 9^th - mid 10^th century
• II. mid 10^th - early 11^th century

It should be kept in mind, however, that this subdivision might be misleading being as it is based upon the evidence of changes in Nubian painting evidenced on the walls of the cathedral at Pachoras. It could even be suggested that Dongola remained the leading center and the changes at Pachoras are only a belated version of the changes taking place in the capital of the country, of which scholars today have no knowledge lacking the evidence of paintings from Dongola.

2) Architecture - phase I

Of the several buildings erected in Dongola during this time, two are of particular importance, not only as the most important achievements of Nubian architecture in general, but also as symbols of the kingdom for which they were considered by the Nubians. These two are the Throne Hall and the Commemorative Building-Cruciform Church. The Throne Hall survived down to our times. In 1317 it was transformed into a Mosque and caravanseray and underwent considerable changes, particularly following damages in the late 13^th century. It managed, however, to preserve much of its original appearance, on the groundfloor as well as the storey. It was a rectangular structure with a projecting apse in the eastern facade, a rarity in Nubia, built on a rocky eminence to the east of the citadel. The main entrance in the western wall led up a monumental staircase which gave access to the first floor and the terrace on the roof of the complex. The first floor was occupied by a square room measuring 7.20 m to the side with a shallow niche in the middle of the eastern wall. The wooden ceiling of the room was supported on four granite pillars. Some preserved beams permit the reconstruction of a coffered ceiling on the four sides. What the central part looked like it is difficult to say; the roof here should have been raised in respect to the sides in order to provide a way of lighting the dim interior. There were three layers of paintings on the walls, covered finally by plain plaster when the structure served as a mosque. A fragment of frieze crowning the walls is all that has been preserved of the original decor. The main room was surrounded by a corridor which was presumably open to the outside on the north and south and which on the east was connected with the apse, suggesting that this section might have served as a chapel. On the west there were two comer rooms, a kind of vestibule-waiting room, and the staircase which led higher up to the terrace on the roof. The numerous opportunities to enjoy the view, from the windows in the staircase, the arcaded corridors on either side of the hall and the roof, suggest an architect receptive to the beauty of the landscape and enjoined to provide visitors to the audience hall with a chance to admire the king's domain. There were three separate entrances in the walls of the groundfloor which consisted of a series of narrow and very high rooms (1.60 - 2.80 m in width, 6.20 m high). The rooms formed two complexes, presumably of a domestic service character, although their specific functions can only be presumed. The fundamental role of these rooms was to elevate the throne hall as much as possible above the city. There can be no doubt that the Dongola structure was modeled on Byzantine architecture, especially the Magna ~ura, great throne hall of the Byzantine emperors in Constantinople. It served the same functions and was similar in architectural terms.

The other splendid structure to be erected in Dongola in this period is the Cruciform Church, built on top of the levelled remains of an earlier domed basilica. As the name suggests, it was a monumental structure based on a cruciform plan. The square central space (14 x 14 m) opened onto the arms through two-storey porticoes. Three of the arms served as entrances; the fourth, eastern arm was slightly longer than the others and separated from the body of the church. The porticoes were structurally reinforced on the outside by buttresses, obviously explained by the presence of a great dome above the square central space of the building, which rose to a total height of 28 m. This was doubtless the largest and the most difficult structure to be built in Nubia and appears almost impossible in view of our knowledge of the possibilities of Nubian architecture of the period. The Cruciform Church most probably served two functions. The eastern arm which was situated above the crypts belonging still to the first Commemorative Building (BX) presumably acted as a chapel devoted to the worship of persons buried in the crypts. This is proved by a table altar near the eastern wall of the space and a large Latin cross of brick on the floor almost filling the whole interior. Between the columns of the eastem portico there was a small synthronon which was semicircular on the outside. The eastern portico was cut off with wooden partitions and served as pastophoria. The spot of the altar has not been determined. It is probable that a ciborium was located in the center of the square central space, at the intersection of the building's axes. The ciborium had a dome supported on four low columns. Four other columns around the ciborium, with no evidence of structural ties with the building's walls, presumably supported beams used to hang lights or ex vota. Instead of an altar inside the ciborium, there may have been a large silver cross which the Mameluke armies took from the city upon conquering it in 1276. Thus, it is highly probable that the Cruciform Church was a monumental commemorative building modelled on the cruciform commemorative structures which were popular in Syria and Palestine. It was most probably commissioned by King Zacharias in thanksgiving for his son's fortunate return from the trip to Baghdad in 835-837.

The small church DC built on the northern outskirts of the town is apparently from the same period. Only vestiges of it have been preserved, but enough to determine that it was also a cruciform structure measuring 19.5 x 12 m. Its eastern and western sections were tripartite Nubian-fashion. A synthronon presumably filled the apse of the church which had sacristies on either side, connected by a passage running behind the apse. The square central space of the complex most probably had a flat wooden roof supported on four granite columns. The DC church fits very well in the Dongolan architectural tradition, referring to the episcopal church with granite columns as well as to basilican foundations.

A new church, the so-called Church on the Southern Slope of the Kom, was built at Pachoras by lesu, eparch of Nobadia in 930. Preserved only fragmentarily, the church, which was located south of the Paulos cathedral, was found to be a small three-aisled basilica measuring 16 x 10 m. The aisles of equal width were separated by rows of granite columns which were without doubt prepared for some earlier project. The eastern part of the church had a typically Nubian design: an apse without a synthronon (?) with a room on either side connected by a passage behind the apse. The Pachoras church sits well in the architecture of phase I of the Classical period during which columns were still commonly used to support ceilings. It is interesting to note the absence of a synthronon in this case, an extremely rare feature in the 10^th century, which was to become the rule in new structures in the 11^th century and later.

During this period a number of small churches were erected in Nobadia; these complexes appear to be reduced versions of a basilica with one outstanding feature which is the presence of four pillars supporting a central dome. The best examples are the Southern Church in Ihmindi and the Double Church at Tamit, both with the typical Nubian tripartite design of the western and eastern sections with the passage behind the apse connecting the pastophoria.

A very interesting complex is the church at Kulb which combines two Nubian traditions originating from the four-column churches as well as the cruciform buildings in Dongola. It is definitely an excellent example of the two traditions being combined in one. The date of this establishment is unclear, but considering that the dome covering the central space of the building, which measures 6.60 x 7.20 m, was the next largest in Nubia after the Cruciform Church in Dongola, its erection should be tentatively placed at the turn of the 9^th century. There can be no doubt that it is a wholly Nubian design and P. Grossmann is unjustified in connecting it with Egyptian buildings from the mid 11^th century onward.

The two large monastic complexes at Qasr el Wizz and Ghazali can be dated to the turn of the 9^th century. The former of the two, located near Pachoras and connected with the bishopric, has been excavated completely and its is practically the only monastery in Nubia to have been fully recorded and published. The monastery church was undoubtedly an earlier foundation, presumably erected in the 7^th century. There is no certainty that a monastery had existed on the spot at the time, although logically it would be difficult to find an explanation for the location of a church were it not supposed to serve monks or anchorites. The monastic complex was a compact group of buildings surrounded by a wall with several gates, suggesting it was not meant to be a defensive establishment. The monastery itself was made up of the church, quarters for the monks connected with a large refectory, kitchen and domestic courtyard. The small three-aisled basilica was given an exterior narthex on the west and a typically Nubian tripartite western section consisting of two rooms and a staircase . In the eastern end a tomb with two crypts was incorporated into the church and the area around the tomb was taken advantage of to enlarge the pastophoria and the eastern corridor connecting the sacristies behind the apse. On the southern side of the church an entrance vestibule was added along with two amfiladed halls of undetermined function which are connected with the eastern part of the building. The inside of the church was also altered during this renovation: the pillars were reinforced presumably in connection with the appearance of a gallery above the original basilica and a synthronon was introduced in the apse. The monks' quarters were doubtless storeyed and presumably followed the same plan on each floor, i.e., cells with benches-cum-beds set on either side of a central corridor. The corridor led on the north to a square room with a centrally-placed pillar supporting a ceiling consisting of four flat domes. In the four corners of the room there were semicircular structures serving as benches for the monks to sit on during common meals. The kitchen adjoined the refectory on the east and the space between the kitchen and the church, to the east of the living quarters, was an inner courtyard.

The monastery at Qasr el Wizz was definitely connected with Pachoras and at least some of the bishops of Pachoras came from the ranks of the local monks. Architecturally, the complex is close to Egyptian models, particularly the monasteries from the southern Thebaid (Esna, Assuan). This is understandable if we keep in mind the importance Egyptian monasticism had for the Christianization of Nubia and the presence of Egyptian monks and their role in disseminating knowledge of the Coptic language and literature in Nubia.ln this context it is highly surprising to note the presence of a Coptic community in the monastery at Ghazali in Wadi Abu Dom south of Merawi. This isolated complex was also surrounded by a wall with a number of gates and consisted of a large church, living quarters connected with a refectory which was a large room with semicircular benches for the monks. Only the church has been investigated to some extent. It is an early three-aisled basilica with wooden ceilings supported on granite columns which were in the Classical period removed to make room for pillars supporting a central dome and vaults. The presence of an earlier church is proof that the monastery at Ghazali was also established earlier on and was presumably enlarged in the Classical period. Explorations of the complex are urgently necessary.

3) Painting - phase I

Paintings of phase I of the Classical period have been preserved in the Paulos Cathedral at Pachoras where they can be surely dated to a period earlier than the middle of the 10^th century. However, paintings with similar stylistic features are to be found inside the churches at Wadi es Sebua, Naga es Sheima and the Church on the Southern Slope in Faras. The paintings in the Faras cathedral deserve an extensive discussion.Of fundamental importance to the dating of the Faras cathedral murals is the portrait of Bishop Kyros preserved today in the National Museum in Khartoum. Bishop Kyros held office in 866-~02 and the portrait presumably comes from the late sixties of the 9th century. It is an exceptional representation among all the portraits of church dignitaries discovered in the cathedral. The bishop is shown standing alone, without benefactors. The almost white robes contrasting with the swarthy skin of the face and hands make him a monumental figure. Colors - green and tones of brown - bring out the great book held by the bishop in his left hand and the elements decorating the omophorion. Attention concentrates upon the aged face with a very elaborate beard and almost "Chinese" moustache and a particularly fleshy nose. An straight lock of hair escapes from under the white shawl covering the hair and falls onto the forehead. In no way does the style of this painting recall earlier representations.

A number of other paintings in the cathedral presumably date from the episcopacy of Kyros, including St. John Chrysostomos, a representation of a deacon which was probably part of a larger scene, the procession of Nubians at a great cross and a representation of the Queen in a crown under the protection of an archangel. The latter painting may even be slightly earlier than the portrait of Kyros; it shows a woman of white skin, in all certainty a woman who had come to Nubia from the distant north, possibly as the wife of one of the rulers of Nubia. In his discussion of the Faras paintings, K. Weitzmann devoted some space to the representation of St. John Chrysostomos, detecting Syro-Palestinian influences in it. Obviously, there is a definite change in style to be noted at Faras in the second half of the 9^th century. The fact corresponds in terms of chronology with the appearance of new buildings in Dongola modelled on Byzantine designs, the Throne Hall and Cruciform Church. In this context, the appearance of a portrait of a queen with non-Nubian features at Faras gains special importance. Although there are no mentions of a foreign marriage of any of the Nubian kings of the 9^th century, it is possible considering the time and historical circumstances that the woman whose image was painted on the walls of the cathedral at Faras was the wife of Georgios, the Nubian prince who had travelled to Baghdad in 835. Thus, the striking portrait of a Nubian queen from the Faras cathedral may be an important additional justification for the appearance of new sources of inspiration in the art of Nubia of the times.

Under the episcopacy of Kyros or his successor part of the cathedral interiors, the prothesis and staircase, were renovated and new paintings made to decorate their walls. The new representations included crosses with basketwork decorating the arms, friezes crowning the walls, niche decorations and a number of figural representations of saints: Aaron ? and St. Peter the Evangelist ? as well as angels. One of the representations, a bust of an archangel now in the Faras gallery of the National Museum in Warsaw, appears to be of particular importance for the definition of the Classical style in Nubian painting. K. Michabwski dated it to the first half of the 10^th century and there can be no doubt that the stylistic features of the representation are very close to the paintings made in the cathedral in the times of Bishop Petros in the second half of the 10^th century. Thus, the archangel is perhaps the oldest example of painting of phase II of the Classical period. Undoubtedly Classical period phase I are the paintings from Naga es Sheima, preserved in part only, today in the Kunsthistorische Museen in Vienna. The most interesting painting in this group is a great representation reconstructed in two separate pieces, depicting a great boat carrying Nubians; the oars are manned by angels and all the travellers are under the protection of a large archangel with spread wings. The painting leaves the impression of being an eschatological representation and recalls the fragmentarily preserved scene of the procession of Nubians at a cross from Faras. Both paintings were located on the southern side of the respective churches.

Classical Period, phase 11

There can be no doubt that the period between the middle of the 10^th century and the first quarter of the 11^th was the acme of Nubian art and the most developed manifestation of local culture only insignificantly drawing on the outside wortd. The Nubian character is easily recognizable during this time and especially so in painting. !t is a time of prosperity and good relations with Egypt of the Fatimids. In later records there is a description of Nubia left by Ibn Salim al Aswani, official representative to Nubia of Gawhar al-Sigeli who conquered Egypt for the Fatimids. This description is perhaps the fullest picture of Nubia at our disposal. Restrictions of space allow me only to signal the achievements of the period and I feel justified in doing so considering the attention which has already been paid to the arc9itecture and painting of the times in recent publications. There is no necessity for introducing any corrections in what has already been written beside emphasizing once again the capital's role as a source of inspiration. This is particularly well visible in architecture and almost untraceable in painting since all the evidence we have from this period comes from Nobadia and is considered the best Nubian painting has to offer. The paintings can be admired today in the national museums in Khartoum and in Warsaw as well as the Vatican Museum which holds the representation of Three Youths in a Fiery Furnace from Sonqi Tino. Even so, caution is advised until Dongola paintings of the Classical period have been discovered. The vigor of the Dongola artistic milieu in respect to architecture is so evident that a similar role in painting cannot be excluded.

1) Architecture - phase II

The most important achievement of the period is undoubtedly the renovation of two great complexes: the Church of Granite Columns in Dongola and the Cathedral at Faras. The basilican interiors of these two structures covered with flat wooden roofs were replaced by hall churches with flat domes and a central dominating dome at the intersection of the main axes of the building. Of the two, the changes in the Dongolan church were clearly the more important ones and the whole project was definitely more ambitious. The work did not interfere with the existing granite columns, reinforcing them only with two rows of round pillars in the naves of the complex. The rebuilding shows clear influences of the architectonic ideas standing behind the design of the Cruciform Church with its great central dome and columned porticos. A reconstruction of the second stage of the Church of Granite Columns done by P. Gartkiewicz is convincing, with only the chronology requiring revision. The rebuilding probably took place a whole 50 years earlier than suggested so far and definitely before the erection of the cathedral of Petros in Faras which had already undergone some rebuilding under Petros' predecessor Aaron (953-972). The Faras cathedral had its vaults supported on pillars which encased the earlier columns and a central dome at the intersection of the barrel-vaulted naves.

The rebuilding of the churches at Dongola and Faras was followed by changes in provincial architecture as well. An excellent realization according to new requirements, the Church of Raphael at Tamit can be dated to the turn of the 10^th century. Another extraordinary building from the late 10^th century is the small church in Sonqi Tino which is an example of a cruciform structure inscribed in a square plan. Two changes in the liturgical furnishing of this church are noteworthy: the rectangular apse does not have a synthronon and is directly connected with the side rooms. Tripartite bema without a synthronon, such as this, will become common in the Late Period.

2) Painting - phase II

The best paintings of this phase of the Classical Period come from the Cathedral of Petros at Faras and Sonqi Tino, but examples have also been preserved in the Central Church at Abdallah Nirqi, the Church of Raphael at Tamit, the Throne Hall in Dongola and at Wadi es Sebua, although the latter could be slightly earlier. The period saw a growing conservatism of the iconographic program used to decorate the inside of churches. Beside the apse, which in Nubia is always decorated by a homogeneous representation symbolizing the Ascension (in the bottom register the Mother of God between apostles and in the conch Christ in Glory and four apocalyptical beings), the Nativity scene is always located on the eastern wall of the northern aisle, Christ with Cup in the prothesis, St. John the Baptist and St. Stephanos in the baptistery; at the entrance archangels appear and usually representations of Three Youths in a Fiery Fumace.New iconographic subjects also appear in this per iod: the Maiestas Crucis, triple representations of Christ, Nursing Mother of God. Holy Warriors on Horseback. The number of portrait representatipns also increases. In the Cathedral of Petros at Faras the portraits from the period include that of bishop Aaron in the apse (Bishop loannes according to S. Jakobielski) and King Zacharias II (Georgios I according to K. Michalowski), Bishop Petros and King Georgios II in the baptistery, a princess in a crown of thorns (St. Damian according to K. Michalowski) and Martha, Mother of Kings on the southern wall of the cathedral. The portrait of Bishop Marianos is most probably the last painting of the Classical period in the Petros Cathedral. Interestingly enough, there are no portraits of eparchs from this time. These do not make their appearance in the cathedral before the Late Period. Of course, portrait representations are not restricted to episcopal churches alone. They are present also in other church complexes such as the churches at Abdallah Nirqi and Sonqi Tino.

The Late Period in Nubian Art from the middle of 13^th to the end of 14^th centuries

Nubia of the Late Period was a land undergoing important social and political changes. Its economic condition was largely dependent upon the political situation in Egypt and the migrations of the desert tribes; it differed at various stages but systematically deteriorated with time. Politically, Nubia was no doubt dependent to a considerable extent upon three factors: the stability of royal succession, Egypt's influence and the degree of control over the nomadic tribes living in the eastern deserts as well as in the territories lying west of the Nile. The Late Period in Nubia is not a homogeneous period and can easily be subdivided into narrower time horizons, characterized chiefly by Nubia's relations with Egypt.

1. 1050-1150 - peaceful coexistence with Fatimid Egypt.
2. 1150-1250 - the Ayyubid invasion and growing pressure from the desert tribes
3. 1250-1350 - Nubia's subordination to Egypt of the Mamelukes; vigorous influx of Bedouin tribes to the Nubian region; rapid increase in the number of believers in Islam.
4. 1350-1520 - decomposition of the Nubian state; establishing a Christian kingdom with a center at Daw; Islamization of the country south of Batn el Hagar.

Throughout the Late Period in the Nubian kingdom the direct inheriting of the throne as practiced in the Classical period obviously tended to be abandoned in favor of inheriting through the female line: the heir was the son of the king's sister. This system of inheritance led to internal strife, but primarily it allowed non-Nubians to gain rights to the Nubian throne, particularly the Kanz ed-Dawla tribe which held a strong position in the area of Assuan. The slow decline of the church and the dissolution of its organization was an important factor destabilizing the Nubian kingdom then and was to a large extent the result of a diminishing importance of royal power. The periodization of the Late period presented here is rather schematic because of insufficiently advanced research as well as of a small number of available documents. It is necessarily political in character but will have to be used currently, for want of a better dvision, to periodize cultural events, keeping in mind throughout that the two need not be in total agreement and presumably was not.

In the second half of the 13^th century, just before the Mameluke invasion which changed the political and economic situation of the country in so dramatic a way, it is possible to observe in Nubian art obvious tendencies which can briefly be described as a pauperization of culture. The dating of Nubian structures of this period is uncertain and the criteria used in publications so far variable enough for the dating in particular cases to differ by even 200 years from study to study. The recent opportunity to assign certain paintings to the reign of Mari Kuda, eparch of Nobadia, would seem to be an important step out of the impasse. Mari Kuda, eparch of Nobadia and presumably also domestikos of Pachoras as was the custom at the time /Browne 1991/ , is mentioned in one of the documents discovered at Qasr Ibrim (no. 90229 see Plumley 1978: 235 / as a contemporary of David, King of Dotawo. Thus, his administrative floruit must have been in the sixties and seventies of the 13^th century. On a portrait representation of an eparch, which has long been known from a small church at Abd el Gadir (no.12), there is an incomplete legend which F. LI. Griffith had read as ...RI KUDA EPARCHOS OF NOBADIA /Griffith 1928:70-71/ . It is now possible to reconstruct the name as Mari Kuda and date the painting to the beginning of the second half of the 13^th century. From the documents so far at our disposal it would appear that only one Mad Kuda ever served as eparch of Nobadia and this would confirm the identity of the figure represented in the church at Abd el Gadir.Another finding of importance for the chronology of Nubian painting is the revised dating of the late paintings in the Faras cathedral. The original chronology had largely been based on the assumption that the Cathedral was seriously damaged during the Ayyubid invasion /Michalowski 1967: 97-98; Michalowski 1974:26,40­41/, when a garrison of the invaders was stationed temporarily at Qasr Ibrim and its leader, Ibrahim al-Kurdi, was drowned in the Nile near Faras in 1175. The death of Bishop lesu II occurred at this time, too, and he is the last bishop to be recorded on the list of bishops written on the walls of the baptistery of the Cathedral /Jakobielski 1972:165/. Today it is clear that the Pachoras bishopric continued until 1372 and that the cathedral was rebuilt along different lines presumably at the turn of the 13^th century, and served in its capacity as an episcopal church until the very end /Godlewski 1994/. Consequently, the dating of certain of the paintings, chiefly portraits of Nubian kings, eparchs of Nobadia and bishops of Faras, can be moved forward to the 13^th and early 14^th century. At this time the Faras cathedral, seat of the oldest Nubian bishopric, served as a kind of "Nubian national gallery". This is particularly obvious in the numerous portraits of eparchs of Nobadia who were domestikos of Pachoras at the same time, a fact that is satisfactorily documented in Old Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim Browne 1991/. One of the eparch portraits on the middle pilaster of the western wall of the church, only partly preserved and devoid of an identifying inscription, can now be identified as a portrait of Mad Kuda /Michalowski 1974:263/. His representation should be expected in the Faras cathedral because all the eparchs of the time were painted on its walls. The portrait is preserved in extraordinarily fresh colors in comparison with other Faras paintings, something which until now was interpreted as the result of the brevity of the period which transgressed between its painting and the rebuilding of the cathedral which covered the mural by introducing in the arcade, where on a pillar the painting was located, a supporting wall with only a small doorway. The interpretation is probable and is additionally and excellently evidenced by the eparch's years of life; Mad Kuda died before the Mameluke invasion on Nubia in 1276, and the proposed rebuilding of the cathedral currently dated to the years after the invasion. More supportive evidence is to be found in certain stylistic similarities between the portrait painting from Abd el-Gadir and the representation of the eparch from the Faras cathedral. In both cases the frontally standing figure of the eparch is protected by Christ who leans out from some clouds around the right shoulder of the eparch; in the Faras cathedral only the hand of the protector has been preserved and it is difficult to be sure that it was Christ. The decoration of the robes is also very similar in both paintings, particularly that of the eparch's skirt. The eparch from Abd el Gadir supports a model of a church on his left hand. In Faras it is the bucranium from his crown and this has an analogy in a recently uncovered painting from Old Dongola where the Mother of God holds her crown in a similar way. It is worth emphasizing that there is also a close similarity in the decoration of the ribbons of both crowns as well as of the robes of the figures - an ornament of round interconnected medallions filled with decoration inside. Unfortunately, the Dongolan painting is not well dated - it could not have been painted before than the early 12^th century. Neither can there be any doubt as to the difference of hands as far as the Abd el Gadir and Faras portraits of the eparch are concerned. In fact, it can be said that between the two artists there is a sea of difference in terms of capabilities and artistic talent. The Faras painting is undoubtedly the work of a good artist, while the portrait at Abd el Gadir was painted by a local village painter entrusted with the task of representing the sponsor of the church's development on its walls. The identification of the Faras painting as a portrait of Mari Kuda, not absolutely certain as yet, has provided scholars with the opportunity of placing other representations of eparchs without identifying inscriptions in a chronological order based on stylistic criteria and the logic of architectural changes inside the cathedral.

Architecture

Settlement in Nubia in the mid 13^th century is not equally well known for the whole kingdom. The terrritory of Northern Nubia and the Batn el Hagar region up to the Dal cataract is relatively well researched, even though the most important publications of fieldwork at Qasr Ibrim, Gebel Adda, Faras, Serra East and the survey in the region from Gamai to Dal are still wanting. Not all the preliminary archaeological reports can be considered reliable as far as dating particular structures and paintings is concerned. In Southern Nubia, the core of the kingdom of Makuria, things are much worse. So far late habitations have been the object of systematic research only at the capital in Old Dongola and in the Letti basin which constituted the hinteriand of the capital. According to a list of holdings of the sultan Baybars in Northern Nubia, preserved in Mufaddal's work /Vantini 1975:502/, the most important settlements in Nubia in the second half of the 13^th century were: Sabagura, Adama?, Ad Daw=Gebel Adda, Ibrim=Qasr Ibrim, Dandal?, Bukharas=Faras, Semma and the island of Michael (Meinarti). On the basis of archaeological results Serre East, Tamit, Sunnarti, Kulubnarti and Dongola can be added to this list. The chief setllements of Nubia such as Qasr Ibrim, Gebel Adda and Dongola were fortified in similarity to a number of settlements in the rocky region of Batn el Hagar: Sunnarti, Kulb. The houses in many settlements were also defensive; massive and storeyed, they had entrances in the first floor. Generally speaking, it is to be said that in Northern Nubia and the Batn el Hagar region settlement was concentrated at a limited number of localities.

Church architecture

In the main centers of Nubia, great church complexes built in the Early or Classic periods continued in existence: the cathedral at Qasr Ibrim, the cathedral at Faras, the great complexes of Dongola such as the Church with Granite Columns and the Cruciform Church. Also the smaller churches, both of the basilican of aisle type as well as those with central domes, continued to serve liturgical functions. It should be emphasized, however, that all the churches newly built in the 12^th and 13^th century are of a different character. They are small, of a length usually not exceeding 10-12 m; some are even smaller. All of them are reduced dome basilicas in form, and some of them are designed as central structures inscribed into a square, a cross-in-square or cruciform buildings. In the interiors, all the churches lost the typical elements of the furnishings which had been the canon in the Classical period and at the beginning of the Late period. The apse is almost always square or rectangular. Never again does it have a synthronon and it usually has passages joining it to the comer rooms; sometimes the tripartite division of the eastern end of the church is missing. The altar is usually to be found in the apse and only sometimes is it separated from the faithful by an altar screen. Only exceptionally are there steps in the western end of the complex and the tripartite division of the western end of the church also vanishes gradually. The characteristic Nubian feature of a passage joining the comer siderooms behind the apse also disappears. Some of these changes were forced by the evident reduction in the size of these churches, but primarily they are a reflection of the changes in the liturgy and a gradual decrease in the number of faithful. Most of the churches considered to be of the Late period do not have an exact dating. The tiny two-phase church at Abd el Gadir is definitely very important/Griffith 1928;Bissing 1937; Nescovi ć and Medić 1965/. The original structure measured 5 by 5.5 m and was built most probably in the mid 13^th century. Two side rooms were added by the eparch Mari Kuda in the sixties of the 13^th century. The design is that of a reduced dome basilica with a small dome in the eastern end of the main aisle just in front of the sanctuary. The dome was supported upon the vault of the nave. The aisles were separated by single arcades. The apse was rectangular and of the same width as the rest of the original building; it filled the whole space intended for the tripartite bema in earlier churches. The tripartite character of the western end of the church may have been marked by little more than the pilasters of the arcades separating the aisles. The interior was filled with paintings. The church at Abd el Gadir is doubtless the best Nubian example of a reduced basilican plan in a local village edition. The religious complexes in Serra East /Mileham 1910:41-45; Monneret de Villard 1935:204; Knudstad 1966:166-171; Grossmann 1982:191/ are close to the Abd el Gadir church, although much better constructed. All four are to be dated to the 13^th century. The North Church at Serra East is perhaps the closest to the Abd el Gadir structure. The basilican building measures 8.5 by 7.0 m and has a nave divided by two arcades. Above the eastern part of the nave there was a dome on a drum supported in part on the vault. The eastern end of the building was tripartite, with a rectangular apse and side corner rooms entered by doorways from the apse. There were no rooms in the western end of the structure. The Central and South Church at Serra resemble each other to a large extent as far as form is concerned, the main difference being that the Central Church is a storeyed structure. The plan is that of a small basilica measuring 8.5 by 7 m, with the eastern end of the nave clearly distinguished by pillars supporting the dome. A square apse is connected only with the northeastern room. In the northwestern unit there is a small staircase instead, leading up to the storey designed on a central plan around the support of the dome. The South Church at Serra is of similar dimensions (9 by 7 m) and it resembles the Central Church in that it has the eastern end of the nave separated out by the pillars supporting the small dome. A rectangular apse is conected with the side rooms, while in the western end of the structure the tripartite division is marked only by the pilasters of the arcades dividing up the body of the church into aisles. Similar complexes are to be found at Qasr Ibrim, i.e. the Domed Church /Grossmann 1988:22-25/, and at Kulubnarti /Grossmann 1988:45-47/ and Sunnarti /Grossmann 1982:193-194/.A slightly different type of basilican church is to be found on the first floor of a house in Faras, incorrectly interpreted by the discoverers as the Northern Monastery /Griffith 1926:57-59; Michalowski 1962:148-151; Grossmann 1982:20-22/. It was undoubtedly an important residence of a bishop or perhaps domestikos of Pachoras where the ground floor was adapted to communication and storage facilities, with stores accessible from both the inside and in the case of a few rooms from the outside. The upper storey, much damaged, was presumably intended for living purposes and the entire eastern part was taken up by a small basilican church, possibly the palace chapel. The building itself is not a homogeneous structure and was presumably constructed in three stages. The church belongs to the third stage which should be dated to the 13^th century, perhaps even its second half, but the evidence for this is not very strong. The small domed basilica measures 17 by 9 m and has a nave with two domes and a barrel vault over a small space just before the church apse, creating a sort of vestibule before the sanctuary. There were doorways between the apse and the comer rooms. The western end of the complex was definitely tripartite with two rows of rooms separated from the chapel and thus presumably serving functions other than liturgical ones. The Faras church is undoubtedly the latest version of the domed basilica in Nubia. The chapel in the palatial complex at Gebel Adda seems to have been very similar in character /Millet 1967:59-60/. Unfortunately this structure which was presumably the palace of the last kings of Nubia has not been published as yet. ln speaking of buildings on a central plan three should be mentioned: the Desert Church in Adindan /Mileham 1910:38;Grossmann 1980:96-97/, the Church of the Angels in Tamit /Monneret de Villard 1935:154-162; Grossmann 1982:81-82/ and the North Church in Dongola /Godlewski 1990:37-55/. All were built in the 13^th century on different plans. The Church of the Angels in Tamit is a small cruciform structure modelled undoubtedly on the Cruciform Church of Dongola. The structure with dimensions 9.80 m to the side is topped by a central dome. It has a clearly distinguished eastern part with apse amd two interconnected side rooms. An entrance from the apse in the western arm opens up onto a staircase. In the northern and southern arms there were entrances to the church and the arms actually served as vestibules. The harmoniously designed interior was completely filled with late paintings from the 13^th-14^th century. The building itself has been dated in widely differing ways, but presumably its construction must have coincided with the paintings found in its interiors. The Desert Church at Adindan is a unique structure as far as Nubian architecture is concerned. Built far from the settlement, it must have been connected with a cemetery. Measuring 11.5 by 12.80 m, it was built on the plan of a domed basilica with the dome supported on four cenral pillars. The design was developed to include porticos with arcades on the north and south side. The comer rooms were also enlarged to retain the block character of the exterior. In addition to the central dome which was presumably supported on a drum, there were four comer domes. Inside the church has a clearly distinguished eastern end with a rectangular apse connected to two small rooms on either side. Also the western end is tripartite and the southwestern room contains a staircase. The presbytery of the church was enlarged toward the west and an altar screen placed around it. The North Church at Dongola received yet a different form. It is also a small structure measuring 11.5 m to the side, built on a typically Byzantine plan, "cross in square", and topped by a central dome. The inside of the building had a typical Nubian design with the sanctuary, a small apse set inside the thickness of the wall, joined to comer rooms of which the northern one was a prothesis with an altar against the eastern wall. Also the western end was tripartite with a staircase in the southwestern comer leading to the church roof. The North Church at Dongola has earlier analogies in religious Nubian architecture in the form of the Church at Sonqi Tino and the complex at Gandal Irki, both of which may be dated to the 10^th-11^th century. The Dongolan church is undoubtedly much later, from the 13^th -14^th century, and its is surely the latest church complex to be erected in Dongola. This short review of church architecture from the 13^th century brings home the fact that religious building remained faithful to the development trends observed in Nubia and continued to introduce certain changes in interior designs even if on such a small scale. The end of the 13^th century brought the Mameluke invasion and in consequence large-scale destruction of churches in Nubia. This particularly concerned the large and monumentally large complexes which were even profaned intentionally as in the case of the Cruciform Church at Dongola/Godlewski 1990:127-137/. Destructions were also noted at this time in the Faras Cathedral, but both structures were quickie returned to liturgical use. Some renovation work was observed at the Qasr Ibrim cathedral; it was probably bishop Mielkuda who carried out these works after the damages were done to the structure /Gartkiewicz 1980: 89/. P. M. Gartkiewicz thought to place these works in a much earlier period, but at present it would seem they should also be dated to the turn of the 13^th century. The very Nubian name of the bishop would also suggest a late dating; at this time compound names with -kuda in them are very common. The work undertaken during this time in the great churches of Nubia had one purpose: to return these buildings to their normal function as quickly as possible and in the most economic way.

Civil architecture

Civil architecture is even less certainly dated than the churches. It underwent very rapid changes and has not been the object of concentrated research so far, even to the point that particular structures have been left without being completely uncovered or stratified. In this period habitations continued to be compact, either one- or two-storeyed structures. The best known complexes of late habitations come from Qasr Ibrim and also Kulubnarti, Kasanarti and Meinarti, but none, however, have been fully published so far. The structures in Batn el Hagar as well as in Serre East and Qasr Ibrim do not follow a single plan, each being an original structure adapted to the needs of its inhabitants. But there are certain common features. The houses are usually close to a square in plan, with one entrance and four to eight rooms on the ground floor. One of these rooms would be the latrine reached by a long and narrow corridor. In storeyed houses the upper storey plan resembled that of the ground floor, but in these cases the ground floor served as storage and household space, the living quarters being on the upper floor. Frequently, the upper floor was accessible by means of a wooden Iadder. Some buildings uncovered at Serra East and at Kasanarti and Kulubnarti are special and seem to originate from the 13^th or perhaps even 14^th century. At Kasanarti it is one of the last structures built at the site/Adams 1964:218-222/. A square building somewhat larger than the neighboring structures, it had two storeys. There was no entrance to the ground floor, the rooms being entered through small square hatchways in their roofs reached from the upper storey which was accessible from the outside by means of Iadders. The blockhouse at Meinarti /Adams 1964:232-233/ had a metre or more thick outer wall built of mudbricks. The arrangement of the fifteen or so rooms was deliberately labyrinthine, with doorways often barely large enough to admit a man on his hands and knees. At least three rooms in the southwestern comer were entered through hatchways in the roof.ln Serra East there were several storeyed houses /Knudstad 1966:169-170/, each with a slightly different arrangement of the four or more rooms on the ground floor and a similar number on the upper storey which was accessible only by means of a ladder. Narrow streets between houses were vaulted level with the upper storey floors, possibly facilitating communication between neighboring houses on the upper floor.ln the settlement on Kulubnarti island /Adams 1970:142-143/ four two-storey unit houses present much the same plan on the upper floor, while the ground floor is devoted to smaller vaulted crypts. Access to the upper floor levels was only by means of a ladder. The plan of each house included at least one small storage space ewhich was elaborately concealed within the thickness of the wall. The groundfloors of these houses served as storage space while living quarters were on the upper floor. Three buildings from the period require a fuller discussion because of their function. At Gebel Adda a large building was discovered made up of a number of buildings built on a U-plan /Millet 1967:61-62/. The entrance to the courtyard thus created was from the north. The eastern arm of the complex was taken up by a church and a residential structure, the western arm housed the palace of the late kings of Dotawo. The buildings of the palace complex were all, with the exception of the church, built in the usual Late Christian manner with a ground floor of blind storage rooms, accessible from above, and a second and possibly third storey of large rooms for general living purposesDand a stair of some kind was necessary to enter most of them. Inside the church which is among the latest church buildings from Nubia a number of wall paintings was uncovered, including representatins of bishops. Unfortunately, this interesting complex, most probably a royal residence, has not received due attention in scholarly discussions. It would be well then to discuss at this point the earlier complex of buildings uncovered at Faras, to the northeast of the cathedral. It was interpreted by F. LI. Griffith and K. Michatowski as the Northern monastery, but it is undoubtedly a blockhouse combined with a church or rather a kind of house chapel, on the upper floor. This is not a homogeneous structure and, as I have already said, it was presumably built in three stages. The oldest part is an almost square building in the southwestern comer of the complex. The complex was doubtless in use throughout the 13^th century and presumably in the eariy 14^th century as well /Michalowski 1962:135-151/. It is a large building measuring 24 by 21 m with two entrances from the north. One of the entrances in the northern comer led through a number of rooms to the earliest building in the complex which is almost square in plan, measuring 10.4 by 12.3 m. Undoubtedly the most important part of the complex, the building had 14 interconnected rooms of different size on the ground floor. A staircase inside the structure led up to the first floor were there was a number of large rooms. Both floors were evidently for living purposes. The second entrance, which was definitely more monumental in nature and located in the central part of the complex, led to an extensive vestibule made up of 5 small rooms and a monumental corridor running through the entire complex to the southern facade where there was another entrance to it. The corridor gave access to a number of large parallel rooms-presumably storage rooms. Some of these rooms had a single entrance from the outside, located in the eastern facade. The corridor also gave access to the upper storey via a staircase located near the southern entrance. A number of large, extensively damaged rooms for living purposes was discovered on the upper floor. The entire northern part of the upper floor of the complex was taken up by the church, which was rather a kind of domestic chapel, preceded on the west by a number of rooms of a rather non-liturgical function. On the church walls as well as in the rooms preceding the church on the west there were wall paintings in different stages of preservation. The structure was apparently the residence of the Faras bishop and the complex as a whole to some extent resembles in character the palatial complex at Gebel Adda.At the turn of the 13^th century the great throne hall of the Nubian kings at Dongola was seriously damaged, presumably during the Mameluke invasion /Godlewski 1982: 22/. It was subsequently rebuilt and turned into a mosque in 1317. At the present stage of research it is difficult to be sure which of the changes inside the building are from the period of renovation and which from the time of its transformation into a mosque. Thus, the changes have to be discussed jointly. The northwestern comer of the building was destroyed and left that way. The ground floor was filled with debris up to the level of the entrances to the rooms and some of the windows in the western facade of the eastern corridor were turned into doorways. A compact complex of rooms was thus created, made up of two long corridors, on the east and west, and four long parallel rooms between them. The entrance to this part of the ground floor was from the south. At the time the building was a mosque, the whole ground floor served as living quarters for pilgrims travelling to Mecca through Dongola. The main entrance in the western facade of the building led to the upper floor where there was a central square hall with a wooden roof supported on four granite pillars. This room was the coronation hall and after 1317 the mosque proper. From the corridor preceding this room on the west there was an entrance to the terrace of the building and a small minaret which was erected in the northwestern comer of the building. The building survived in this form until our days, being only externally reinforced at a later time by a casing wail running all around the ground floor.

Sepulchral architecture

Few of the many burial structures known from Nubia can be assigned to this period with any measure of certainty. Thus, it would seem worthwhile to describe more closely the tomb of the last bishops of Faras /Michalowski 1962:91-129; Godlewski 1994/ which was built next to the eastern facade of the cathedral above the earlier burial complex belonging to bishop Johannes and his successors, including lesu II who died in c.1170-1175. The new tomb was built at the beginning of the 14^th century in the form of a small domed structure on a square plan, measuring 3.34 m to the side, with arched openings in the middle of each side. In form, this structure resembled quite closely the tomb of bishop Petros who died in 988, which was built next to the Church on the South Slope in Faras and also many tombs at Qasr Ibrim and Gebel Adda which are not dated well and which are sometimes difficult to distinguish as Christian or Moslem without opening the burial chamber.

Paintings

There is quite a number of paintings of the 13^th and 14^th century from several churches preserved in the large city centres such as Faras or Gebel Adda, as well as in the small villages of Abd el Gadir, Kulubnarti, Serra East. In quality the paintings differ considerably from piece to piece and it is difficult to be precise today as to what was actually the style of the Late Period in Nubia. There is undoubtedly much in common with the earlier period, particularly in the decorativeness and the obstinate attention to detail. Also without a doubt, there is little freedom in this painting which is chiefly imitative and schematic. But with an eye to the general, it must be said that it is a painting which is local Nubian, as much because of tradition as because of the tastes of an increasingly secular community. This is probably what explains the popularity of portrait representations, with laymen outdistancing church officials. Undoubtedly Faras remained the most important center of painting in Nubia. Almost all the compositions from the Cathedral dated to this period demonstrate an excellent artistic quality when compared to the paintings preserved at Kulubnarti or Abd el Gadir, but they too have a provincial character frequently. Although the majority of paintings have a local character, which may simply be called Nubian, even at Faras it is possible to encounter compositions as astounding as the head of Christ from a fragmentarily preserved compsition of an eparch protected by Christ, currently in Khartum /Michalowski 1967:165/, or the partly preserved representation of an eparch with a bow /Michalowski 1974:263/, identified with the person of Marikuda. These paintings, full of color and freshness, seem to be proof of the vivacity of Nubian painting workshops. Perhaps in both compositions one should see the influences of the distant capital at Dongola which, though still poor in preserved murals, must be considered the most important center of Nubian art, in this period as well. The 1993 discovery of a representation of the Queen Mather with a Crown would tend to prove this. It is unlikely that at this time there were new stylistic trends reaching Nubia from Egypt or Byzantium. This does not, of course, refer to new iconographic designs which were doubtless known in Nubia perhaps a little earlier, chiefly in the 12^th century. lt would seem Nubian painting of the 13^th century featured mainly figures in puffed trousers and wide skirts, without shoes or in yellow shoes with a double outline. Frequent representations of Christ are provided with a halo, with the arms of the cross in the form of a Maltese cross or with triangular endings. The themes current in the period resemble those already fixed in the iconography of Nubia as a whole, but there do exist clear preferences. There is much more portrait painting; representations of saints on horseback, the tripartite being of Christ and highly stylized representations of Christ in glory with four apocalyptical beings are all very popular.A detailed review of painting found in particular buildings would seem appropriate. One should start from the provincial painting, the Abd el Gadir murals /Griffith 1928; Bissing 1937; Nescovi ć and Medić 1965; Martens-Czamecka 1993/, because these pieces can be dated to the mid 13^th century thanks to the identification of a representation of Marikuda, eparch of Nobadia. It would seem that the whole church was decorated during a relatively short time. That the eparch was painted partly over an existing representation of a saint suggests there were at least two stages in the decoration of the church. The two stages probably correspond to two phases in the building of this complex. The enlarging of the building may possibly be assigned to Marikuda. The arrangement of the chief compositions inside the Abd el Gadir church is analogous to that seen in churches of the Classical period. On the eastern wall of the northern aisle there was a scene of the Nativity, while on the western wall of the southern aisle a representation of Three Youths in a Fiery Furnace and Christ with Doubtful Thomas beside him. On the eastern wall of the apse a depiction of Christ ? enthroned between the Apostles is only partly recognizable. In the eastern part of the walls there were many representations of angels while in the western part a number of saints on horseback. On the western wall of the nave there was a representation of Christ with a book held in the left hand and the right hand raised in blessing and protection of a much smaller figure of a ruler? holding a crown with three crosses in his left hand /Griffith 1928:71; Nesković; and Medić 1965:fig.55; Rostkowska 1978/. The composition as a whole is close to the painting from Faras representing a young eparch also protected by Christ who is shown as in the Faras piece /Michalowski 1974:251-256/. Beside it, on the northern wall there was one of the most interesting murals from the entire church; it depicted Christ enthroned, with the left hand supported on the knee and the right raised in blessing. From above the shoulders of the figure there appear two heads of Christ in cruciform nimbuses. The composition is not well preserved and rather brings to mind a three-headed enthroned Christ. On the other side of the nave, on the southern wall there is a representation of the founder, eparch Mad Kuda /Griffith 1928:70; Martens Czarnecka 1993: fig.7/, holding a small model of a domed church in his left hand and taking down a bag thrown over his right shoulder. On his head there is a a crown with a crescent moon and the star of David. He is dressed in a caftan, puffed skirt decorated with medallions, puffed trousers; his feet are bare. Above the right shoulder of the eparch there is a half-figure of Christ appearing from the clouds; with his right hand Christ is touching the shoulder of the Nubian officiaLMost of the compositions from the Abd el Gadir church are in the National Museum in Khartum and not in great shape . Undoubtedly it is the largest set of paintings of the Late Period from a single church and is a good example of what the repertory of church decoration in the 13^th century was Iike. The second set of paintings which seems to have been created in the 13^th or 14^th century and was the work of a team of artists is the decoration of the small cruciform church at Tamit, called the Church of the Angels. The study of this undoubtedly provincial set of paintings is unfortunately encumbered by the fact that it is known only from a very summary publication by U. Monneret de Villard and from black and white photographs /Monneret de Villard 1935: 154-162,p1s 157-1711/. The interior of the church at Tamit, an important settlement, is also a good example of a full repertory of church decoration completed in the late period. As in the Abd el Gadir church, the repertory here is the traditional Nubian combination of iconographic motifs arranged inside the building according to a scheme developed in the 10^th century. The apse of the Church of the Angels at Tamit was traditionally filled with a two-register composition of the Mother of God between standing Apostles in the bottom part and Christ in Glory in the conch. The characteristic drawing of the apostles is worth emphasizing; they are shown without books or rolls in their left hands and their robes have linearly treated folds marked on them. This kind of representation of the apostles is undoubtedly typical of the Late period and does not appear earlier. In the northern room accessible from the apse, the prothesis of the church was presumably to be found. Although no altar has been preserved, the representation of Christ with a cup in his right hand and patera ? in his left defines the room's function. On the four walls there are representations of cherubs with six wings which were interpreted as angels by the discoverer. In the southern room next to the apse, where a baptistery is most often to be found, a saint is painted holding in his left hand an unrolled roll. This should be a representation of St. John the Baptist to judge both by the iconography and the spot the painting occupies in the church.On the northern side of the apse, on the eastern wall there was a representation of the Nativity but no photographic record of this scene has survived. At the southern entrance to the church, on the other hand, there was a depiction of the Three Young Hebrews in a Fiery Furnace, protected by an angel with spread wings. The composition as a whole is very similar in form to the splendid painting in the narthex of the Cathedral at Faras, presently in Khartum. It is undoubtedly the most "classic" painting of all the scenes painted in the church, "classic" both in the composition and the iconography. But it is difficult to expect it was much earlier than the remaining paintings. Also the image of Saint Mercurios on a horse, found next to it and poorly visible in the preserved photographs, seems to be different stylistically from the remaining compositions. This could suggest that both were the work of a better artist than the painters decorating the apse where because of its liturgical aspects, the painting had to constitute the original decoration of the church.A very interesting composition is to be found in the western apse where Christ was painted sitting on a throne with a book in his left hand and his right raised in blessing. On either side of Christ there are standing saints: the apostle Peter on Christ's right and Saint Pachom on the left. !n the northern arm of the building there was a standing Christ with hands raised as in pictures of orants, between the saints Damianos and Cosma. The type of the representation and the figures of the two saints are recorded for the first time in Nubian painting and they, too, may be connected with changes occurring in the Late Period.Beside Saint Damianos there was a representation of Christ in glory with four apocalyptical beings, a representation which was popular in Nubia since the 10^th century. But in the Tamit church the arrangement of the wings of the apocalyptical beings is different; the wings meet at an angle forming a composition which resembles a great four-arm star.Apparently the Tamit paintings were created over a longer period of time. The building itself was accessible to visitors and used presumably until the end of Christianity in Nubia to judge by the graffiti and the characteristic damage to the paintings, mostly intentionally destroyed faces. The latest paintings are presumably representations of a ruler protected by a saint and angel as well as a cross in velium.Paintings have also been preserved in the late churches at Serra East, but they have not been published fully so far /Knudstad 1966:168-169/. Neither do we have any photographs at our disposal and we have to work with drawings made by F. LLGriffith /1927: 100-101, p1.77/.Inside the apse of the Central Church there was a painting which is known only from a description: "the figure of Christ enthroned, life-sized, in robes spotted with eyes. His left hand held an open book, the right seemed lifted above the shoulder. At the sides of the painting the symbols of four apocalyptical beasts. To the left and right on each side wall of the haikal stood six variously bearded saints with right hands raised over their breasts (Apostles). On the other walls of the church there were representations of Angels and Christ inside a niche in the northern sacristy, the prothesis.' The best paintings were preserved inside the Cathedral at Faras.ln the publications so far they were dated most frequently to the 12^th century, but this was conditioned by the date accepted by the excavators for the rebuilding of the church, which was in the seventies of the 12^th century, after the Ayyubid raid. Some paintings, mostly portrait representations of eparchs of Nobadia and bishops, preserved from before the rebuilding are presently dated to the turn of the 13^th century. Presumably, the interior of the church was filled with paintings in the times of bishop Petros (974-999) and later the only some paintings which were added had liturgical character /representations of Madonna Eleusa, Angels, saints/ but most frequently that were pictures of Nubian secular and church officials. And these paintings were commissioned by successive rulers and bishops. Unfortunately, the legends accompanying usually the paintings have not been preserved in these cases and so the portrayed cannot be identified. It should be emphasized that in the Late Period the Faras Cathedral turned into something of a Nubian "national" gallery of portrait where beside the Pachoras bishops there were representations of eparchs, who were usually also domestikos of Pachoras, as well as some of the rulers of Nubia.Judging by some iconographic details of the represented persons and assuming that the painting in the National Museum in Warsaw no.234010 /Michalowski 1974:263/ is indeed a portrait of the eparch Mad Kuda, we can suggest the following succession of the eparchs of Nobadia whose portraits appeared in the cathedral from the mid 13^th until the mid 14^th century:

• eparch with Christ -National Museum in Khartoum /Michalowski 1967:165-166,fig.12-13,91­92/, dated to c.1250.
• eparch Mari Kuda? -National Museum in Warsaw /Michalowski 1974:263/
• eparch from the apse - National Museum in Warsaw /Michalowski 1974:132-137/, dated to c.1290 and could be identified as Urrosi /Plumley 1978:235/.
• eparch with Virgin - National Museum in Khartoum /Martens - Czamecka 1993/
• eparch /or king/ between two saints, one of them in bishop dress- National Museum in War­saw /Michalowski 1974:271-273/, dated to c.1330.

Painting, mid 14^th century and later

It is difficult to be precise in distinguishing inside Nubian churches paintings which are from the period of the slow decline of Christianity in the second half of the 14^th century. This is because of a lack of appropriate stylistic criteria on one hand and on the other, the simple fact that no new church buildings were built in this period. Painted portraits retain the greatest vivacity although cult scenes must have been created as well. The political situation in Nubia in this period is not clear to us either. What is certain is the existence of at least two bishoprics at Qasr Ibrim and Faras (until 1372); it is also probable that Qasr Ibrim and Daw (Gebel Adda) served in this period as the most important political centers and it is in these particular settlements that the residences of the Nubian king and eparch of Nobadia were to be found. The whole Batn el Hagar region remained an important area of settlement throughout this period, because of the naturally defensive character of the region. The cathedral at Faras once again is our starting point for an analysis of period painting. Beside it, there are two other buildings at Faras: the Rivergate Church /Griffith 1926; Monneret de Viltard 1957,p1s 145-147; Martens-Czamecka 1992/ and the church on the first floor of the Northern Building /Griffrth 1926:57-59,p1s 34-35; Monneret de Villard 1957:p1s 143-144/. Presumably also the paintings from the palace church at Gebel Adda should be referred to this period, but a lack of publications on the subject of these paintings makes their analysis impossible. Some of the paintings from the churches at Tamit also seem to originate from the 14^th century. The church at Kulubnarti was surely decorated at this time /Adams 1970/, but the latest paintings are only mentioned by travellers, since their condition excluded their taking down from the walls. The paintings on the earlier layer of plaster are undoubtedly late and may be assigned to the turn of the 13^th century. The paintings at the Faras cathedral were painted on walls which were built to reinforce the structure of the building already almost covered by sand dunes. Based on photographic evidence /Dzierzykray-Rogalski 1985: 222, fig. 325/, the southern wall of the haikal supporting the eastern arcade was decorated with paintings at two different points in time, and the compositions preserved in the National Museum in Warsaw /Michalowski 1974:268-273/ are from the second phase. On these grounds alone it is possible to date them to the middle 14^th century. An over lifesize representation of an archangel /Michalowski 1974:268-271/ with a ball painted flatly in his left hand and a cross topping a long staff in his right has large wings folded against the figure and is spotted with apocalyptical eyes and peacock feathers. The robes, both the exterior one and the loros rounded at the bottom, are decorated with a double square ornament and with bejeweled yellow bands at the edges. The white sticharion has a wide black band at the bottom. The feet in yellow shoes are doubly outlined in black.Beside the representation of the archangel which serves as a guardian of the entrance to the haikal, there was a large painting depicting the standing figure of an eparch or a king protected by two saints /Michalowski 1974: 271-273/;the figure at right is in bishop's robes, giving rise to the assumption that the joint portrait represented a king and a bishop together. There is no data allowing the figure in bishop's robes to be considered a Nubian. A full interpretation of the painting is made difficult by the fact that the upper part has not been preserved. In the eparch's dress the plaited puffed skirt and the puffed Turkish trousers should be emphasized. The arrangement of the composition with the eparch in the center and two protecting figures slightly in the background is quite common in Nubia in the late period. But it seems it was not the only arrangement since equally often the protector, particularly if it is the Mother of God or Christ, is shown appearing from a cloud above the shoulders of the person they are protecting.An analogous painting was to be found in the Church of the Angels at Tamit (no.36) /Monneret de Villard 1957: p1.169/. It is known only from black and white photographs and was not very clear at the time of discovery, reducing chances at an interpretation. It was also a composition made up of three persons. In the middle there was a man holding a small book ? in his left hand and a cross on a long staff with a sharp fitting at the other end in his right. The cross is not visible, so it could have also been a spear. The figure is dressed in a double-pleated puffed skirt decorated with horizontal bands. On the shoulders of the figure there are fragments of bands which recall the way an omphorion was folded, but the interpretation cannot be certain. A crown or cask was to be found on the head. This must have been a representation of the eparch protected by an unidentified saint (on the figure's right) and an angel on the left side. One wing of the angel is folded against the body, the other is raised and protects the saint and eparch. It would seem that the Tamit painting is close to the portrait representations of rulers at Faras.Another painting from the Faras cathedral seems to belong to this same group of portrait representations.It was located on the western face of the northeastern pillar and depicted a man in priestly robes with an eparch's cask on his head and a cross on a long staff in his right hand /Martens­Czamecka 1992:308-309,fig.2/. The slightly spread arms of the cross are suggestive of a late form of the cross /Ratynski 1982:247-256/, similarly as the arrangement of the robes and the shoes worn by the portrayed person. On the right side of the eparch there was once a figure of which only one foot has been preserved. On the left there was a standing figure of the Mother of God without the Child. The face of the Madonna, although damaged considerably, reveals the hand of a true master. The contour of the face recalls the Madonna Eleusa from the apse of the narthex of the Cathedral /Michalowski 1974:259-262/, dated to the turn of the 13^th century. The folded maphorion on Mary's head resembles the representation of the Mother of God with a Princess, now in Khartum /Michalowski 1967:167-168/, dated to the beginning of 13^th century. The portrait of the Faras eparch-priest seems to be earlier that other paintings discussed so far and should be assigned to the first half of the 14^th century. It is undoubtedly one of the leading artistic paintings of the 14^th century. ln Raphael's Church at Tamit a painting has been preserved depicting a priest with an incense burner, protected by an angel /Monneret de Villard 1957:p1.153/. The painting is undoubtedly late and may have been done by a painter who also worked in the Church of the Angels at Tamit. Its date of creation is suggested by the priest's dress consisting of puffed trousers and by the middle pleat of the angel's robe and its arrangement as well as the decoration of the wings with eyes and feathers. The painting is known only from photographs. Two very interesting portrait paintings were discovered by F. Ll. Griffith at the Rivergate Church in Faras. This church which was doubtless decorated in the Late period was presumably the longest operating church at Faras beside the palace chapel in the Northern Building. The portrait of a bishop /Griffith 1926: 78-79; Martens-Czamecka 1992: 369-373/ on the eastern face of the southeastern pillar is so different in its form from other representations of bishops from Faras, both in the arrangement of the robes as particularly in the way the omphorion was painted with a shorter front side and its horizontal folding across the phelonion, that we can treat it as one of the latest representations of a bishop, painted at the Rivergate Church already when the Cathedral had been abandoned. It is quite possible that it is a representation of the bishop Timotheos, who was nominated in 1372 to the bishopric of Pachoras and Ibrim and who resided at Qasr lbrim /Plumley 1975; Godlewski 19941; his portrait should have been painted at the cathedral, but since the cathedral was already covered with sand and abandoned it was done in another church which was still operating. The bishop of Faras is protected by Christ appearing from clouds above the right shoulder of the figure. Christ's considerable leaning forward, emphasized further by his hands stretched out to the official's shoulders, is far from the definitely more hierarchical representations of a protecting Christ known from earlier paintings. The portrait of an eparch painted on the western face of the same pillar in the Rivergate Church seems to originate from the same period. The official has a crown with homs on his head, flattened and topped with a hardly recognizable crescent. With both hands he is holding the staff of a spear or cross. The puffed skirt is decorated with a coffer ornament. The eparch is protected by the Holy Trinity represented as a threefold figure of Christ. This type of protection has only rarely appeared so far; perhaps it was more popular in Dongola, the capital of the land.

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